Geopolitics

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Highlights President Biden’s proposal to raise the capital gains tax rate from 20% to 43.4% is part of the American Families Plan, which at best has a 50% chance of passing before the 2022 midterm election. Biden will soon present the full outline of this $1 trillion bill. The legislative priority is the American Jobs Plan with infrastructure spending and corporate tax hikes. This bill has an 80% chance of passing by Christmas. If it passes by end of July, then the odds of passing the American Families Plan prior to the midterm will shoot up. But we expect it to take to November, which could render the families plan (and capital gains tax) a campaign issue for 2022. Republicans are much more likely to vote for infrastructure spending than tax hikes. Traditional infrastructure can be separated into a bipartisan bill with Republicans and passed along with a renewed highway authorization by September. This creates an alternate avenue for infrastructure. Democrats would still pass the rest of Biden’s American Jobs Plan via reconciliation, including corporate tax hikes, which will only be watered down a bit. We reiterate our recommendations in favor of the BCA Infrastructure Basket and the Biden Fiscal Advantage Equity Basket. Given the eight-year span of the US infrastructure proposals, we recommend a cyclical and structural overweight for these baskets. Feature President Joe Biden’s $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan is shifting from the initial phase – “coordinated policy rollout” and media cheerleading – to the drawn-out process of congressional negotiation and voting. None of our core views on the bill have changed: we expect the bill to pass before the end of the year and to be similar to what Biden has proposed on both corporate tax hikes and spending. Some spending proposals can be offloaded, some tax hikes can be watered down, but the gist of the bill is known to investors. Scares over Biden’s proposed capital gains tax hike are premature as this bill must pass before Congress can turn to Biden’s second plan and individual tax hikes. In this special report with BCA’s US Equity Strategy, we update the status of the bill and then take a closer look at our BCA Infrastructure Basket. We recommend investors stick to this trade over a structural time horizon of 12 months-plus. Biden’s Bill Will Pass – Bipartisanship Is Possible But Separate Biden’s infrastructure plan will pass on a party-line vote through budget reconciliation. Republicans will reject tax increases; Democrats will muster all 50 of their caucus votes plus Vice President Kamala Harris. Procedurally, reconciliation has been cleared. The fiscal 2021 budget resolution will be revised and this will enable Democratic leaders to cram the infrastructure package into a new reconciliation bill, ostensibly to raise the debt ceiling, which is due to expire on July 31. Technical public debt default will loom in early fall to help the Democrats motivate stragglers to vote for the bill.1 Spending Compromises: The reconciliation process will keep the price tag of the bill from rising higher than the proposed $2.3 trillion, since it will mostly exclude “earmarks.” States will have to apply in a competitive bidding for funding for projects beginning sometime in 2022 rather than receive guarantees of special projects in exchange for their senator’s vote for the overall package. The headline price tag could be whittled down by about $1 trillion if a bipartisan deal is done. Biden’s proposal consists of $784 billion in traditional infrastructure, $647 billion in social welfare, $370 billion in green energy initiatives, $280 billion in tech initiatives, and $219 billion in business support (Chart 1). The Republicans might be willing to agree to most of the traditional infrastructure as well as some of the tech initiatives and business support (Chart 2). This means these measures could be removed from the bill and passed separately. This would leave the Democrats to pass the rest on their own, including corporate tax hikes, which they could do at earliest by the end of July and at latest by the end of December (Diagram 1). Or Democrats could pass the whole package alone. Chart 1American Jobs Plan Has $784Bn In Traditional Infrastructure Chart 2Republicans Support Roads And Bridges Diagram 1Timeline For Congress To Pass American Jobs Plan By End Of 2021 Tax Compromises: Much has been made of West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin’s claim that the corporate tax rate should not exceed 25%, as opposed to Biden’s preferred 28%. Manchin is not alone, however. Table 1 highlights other Senate Democrats who oppose a 28% rate. These decisive swing voters may get a reduction in the rate but we tend to doubt it will be modified much from the proposal. Corporate tax hikes are popular – including when presented as a responsible way to pay for infrastructure (Chart 3). A minimum corporate tax will play very well politically while the headline corporate rate can be toggled one or two percentage points to ensure the bill gets enough votes (Chart 4). Chart 3Independents Support Corporate Taxes For Infrastructure Chart 4Voters Favor Corporate Tax Hike And Minimum Tax Table 1Centrist Senators: Democrats Who Oppose A 28% Corporate Rate, Republicans Who Voted To Convict Trump Of Insurrection, And Others Bipartisan infrastructure spending is possible but separate. Republicans are at risk of getting steamrolled by Democrats in the coming years. Democrats have stolen back the lead on infrastructure, manufacturing, trade, and China, yet they are free of the taint of mishandling the pandemic. Most importantly they have gotten hold of the magic money tree (Modern Monetary Theory), which enables them to expand the social safety net in a historic way that could boost the fortunes of their own party and its underlying principle of Big Government for a decade or more. Thus the pressure will be high on Republicans to show that they can govern and compromise – and infrastructure is the policy on which it is least painful for the GOP to join them. Republicans could hive off traditional “roads and bridges” – as well as tech competition with China – into a separate bill that could go forward on a bipartisan basis. There is a separate opportunity to pass infrastructure spending because the federal highway funding authorization, the 2015 FAST Act, expires on September 30 (Chart 5). The need to reauthorize this law will force lawmakers to act, thus presenting an opportunity to top up funding for traditional infrastructure projects.2 But this merely highlights that infrastructure spending has multiple avenues. If partisanship prevails as usual then Democrats will drive through their bill anyway. Chart 5US Infrastructure Spending In Recent Decades The regular budget process will be gridlocked. The regular appropriations process for FY2022 will not be an avenue for increased spending. Limits on discretionary spending expire at the end of FY2021 so there are no limits on budget appropriations. But 60 votes are needed for appropriations. Republicans will be loath to assist Democrats on the normal budget while the latter achieve all their other priorities via reconciliation. The economy will not need extra spending. A continuing resolution – a stopgap measure that keeps appropriations at the same level as the previous year – is the likeliest outcome. Or a government shutdown, which might be useful for Republicans to rally their base after a demoralizing year, though it would hurt their standing among the general public. Biden’s $1 trillion American Families Plan will be presented on April 28. This bill could pass in H1 2022, if the American Jobs Plan passes by July, but it is just as likely to become the Democrats’ campaign platform for the 2022 midterms. This bill will require the House and Senate to draft a FY2022 concurrent resolution, which cannot be finalized prior to passing the FY2021 reconciliation bill for both parliamentary and budgetary reasons. The economy will be red hot and fiscal fatigue will be setting in. We stick with our subjective 50/50 odds of passage for this bill. This means that the market’s concern over the capital gains rate hike is premature. First, Democrats have been back-loading tax hikes to prioritize economic recovery – and minimize negative impacts prior to the midterm election – so there is no reason to expect the capital gains tax hike to be retroactive whenever the American Families Plan passes Congress. If Congress passes it in mid-2022 then it will most likely go into effect on January 1, 2023. Second, the capital gains rate itself will likely be watered down from Biden’s proposed 43.4% to something around 32%. The good news for investors is that Biden is proposing to keep the distinction between individual income and capital gains (thus preserving the “carried interest loophole”). The bad news is that he is also keeping the Obamacare surtax of 3.8% on capital gains for those making over $250,000 or more. The American Families Plan is not urgent for investors because it is less likely to pass than the American Jobs Plan – and Republicans could win the House in 2022. But if the latter passes by July then the odds of the former passing before the midterm will shoot up. The family plan also shows that there is an upside risk to the budget deficit outlook and inflation expectations (Chart 6). Chart 6Revised US Budget Deficit Projection Post-ARPA Investment Implications Of Biden’s Sweeping Infrastructure Package While both the CBO and IMF currently project that the fiscal impulse will turn negative in 2022 (a mid-term election year) following a modest decrease this year, government largesse has staying power (Chart 7). Chart 7Fiscal Easing… The populist shift in US politics will push government expenditures as a share of output to nose-bleed levels. Given the lack of adequate tax offsets, it will buttress government debt-to-GDP to levels last seen during WWII (Chart 8). True, debt sustainability largely depends on nominal GDP growth, but spendthrift politicians are unconcerned about paying back debt as interest rates are held low courtesy of an extremely accommodative Federal Reserve and (temporarily) well-behaved bond vigilantes. This is all welcome news for equities exposed to fiscal spending in general and for infrastructure-reliant shares in particular. Two weeks ago we matched different segments of Biden’s infrastructure proposal (Tables A1 and A2 in the Appendix) to eight ETFs and one stock that now comprise our Biden Fiscal Advantage equity basket (Chart 9).3 Today we reiterate our sanguine view on this basket – especially versus the NASDAQ 100, given the high concentration of tech stocks in these ETFs. Chart 8...And Debt Uptake Bode Well For Infrastructure Stocks Chart 9Stick With The Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket Importantly, Charts 7 & 8 highlight that a rising fiscal deficit and ballooning government debt are a boon for the BCA’s infrastructure stock basket both from a cyclical and structural perspective.4 Tack on the Fed’s 6.5% real GDP growth projections for calendar 2021 that are more or less in line with the Street’s economic expectations and even the shorter-term outlook brightens for these infrastructure-laden equities (real GDP forecast shown advanced, Chart 10). Chart 10Enticing Domestic Growth Already, the US ZEW Indicator of Economic Sentiment is soaring following up the path of the ISM manufacturing survey, corroborating that the US economy is firing on all cylinders (top panel, Chart 11). While the recent bond market selloff has gone on hiatus, it will likely prove short-lived. The US population is on track to reach herd immunity sometime this fall and by then inflation will be rearing its ugly head (bottom panel, Chart 11). As a result, the 10-year US Treasury yield should resume its ascent (middle panel, Chart 11). Chart 11Plenty Of Upside Left Historically, all these key macro indicators have been positively correlated with the relative share price ratio of BCA’s infrastructure equity basket and the current message is positive (Chart 11). Beyond the conducive domestic backdrop, likely in the back half of the year the rest of the world will also be on the cusp of getting back to normal – with China’s pace of deceleration being the sole question mark – heralding a synchronized global growth setting. Not only will the US twin deficits weigh on the greenback, but a looming commodity up-cycle is also a boon for hypersensitive commodity-exposed currencies. This dual boost coupled with the budding rebound in EMs is music to the ears of US infrastructure-reliant US conglomerates (Chart 12). Gelling everything together, our US and global capex indicators do an excellent job in encapsulating all of these moving parts. Chart 13 shows that both of our capital expenditure indicators are in V-shaped recoveries, with our global capex one probing multi-decade highs. Chart 12Alluring EM Growth Chart 13Heed The Bullish Message From Our Capex Indicators Bottom Line: The sweeping American Jobs Plan will bolster both the BCA infrastructure and BCA Biden Fiscal Advantage equity baskets. Given the multi-year span of this looming bill, we recommend a cyclical and structural overweight in both baskets.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Anastasios Avgeriou US Equity Strategist anastasios@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1 Table A2 Footnotes 1       Paul M. Krawzak, “More questions than answers in parliamentarian’s budget opinion,” Roll Call, April 8, 2021, www.rollcall.com. 2       Jinjoo Lee, “Road Is Smoother Than Expected For Infrastructure, Biden Plan Or Not,” Wall Street Journal, March 24, 2021, wsj.com. 3      As a reminder, the ticker symbols we included in this Equity Basket are: PAVE, PHO, QCLN, TAN, WOOD, SOXX, HAIL, GRID and SU. We choose SU as there is no pure play Canadian oil sands ETF trading in USD. 4      We first created this basket in late-2018 comprising a range of industrials and materials indexes that should see a positive reaction to a spur in infrastructure demand; Table A2 in the Appendix at the end of this report updates all the constituents in our basket.  

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Highlights Cryptocurrencies have a long march ahead to be able to displace fiat currencies. While cryptocurrencies are improving tremendously as a medium of exchange, they lag fiat as a store of value and a unit of account. Contrary to popular belief, fiat money has outperformed anti-fiat assets over time as a store of value. Many central banks will replicate the advantages and success of bitcoin through the issuance of central bank digital currencies (CBDCs). Cryptocurrencies are unlikely to disappear anytime soon and can be wonderful speculative investments. However, conservative investors should stick with gold and silver. Feature Chart I-1Spectacular Returns From Cryptocurrencies The rise in the prices of various cryptocurrencies1 has taken many investors by surprise. $1000 invested in bitcoin at the start of 2012 is worth around $10 million today. If you were lucky enough to get in on the first day of trading, when it was worth a fraction of a cent, your initial $1000 investment will be worth around $60 billion today. Meanwhile, many other cryptocurrencies are also sporting legendary returns, not even replicable in the most obscure corners of the options market (Chart I-1). There is some merit to cryptocurrencies, or more specifically, blockchain technology that is the bedrock of their invention. In this decentralized, peer-to-peer system, the need for an intermediary to validate transactions and arbitrate disputes is eliminated. This can greatly reduce transaction costs, especially when compared to banking/legal fees. The autonomy and anonymity that comes with their use is also a desirable feature. For example, anti-fiat enthusiasts welcome the fact that the creation, distribution, and use of cryptocurrencies is outside the purview of central banks. As this asset class continues to garner popularity and capture the imagination of investors, the implications run the gamut from potential future returns (or losses) to the impact on other asset classes. For currency investors, the key question is whether any of these seemingly attractive features have a sizeable impact on the value and use of other developed market currencies. In short, will cryptocurrencies displace fiat? To answer this question, we have to start from the very basic definition of what money is.  Is Bitcoin Money? The three basic functions of money are a store of value, unit of account and a medium of exchange. On at least two of these three basic functions, bitcoin fails. Bitcoin has been improving as a medium of exchange. The ability to swap fiat currency into bitcoins and back is fairly easy. More importantly, more and more merchants are accepting bitcoin as a form of payment. Globally, the turnover of cryptocurrencies is about $200 billion or roughly 3% of overall foreign exchange turnover. This is higher than daily trading in the Mexican peso, the New Zealand dollar, and the Swedish krona, an impressive feat (Chart I-2). This is also evidenced by the rise in the market capitalization of cryptocurrencies, to around $2 trillion today (Chart I-3). Chart I-2An Improving Medium Of Exchange Chart I-3Gold Versus Cryptocurrencies However, as Peter Berezin, our Chief Global Strategist has pointed out, this does not necessarily trump the use of fiat money.2  The Visa network, for example, handles over 5,000 times more transactions a second than the bitcoin mempool (the pool of unconfirmed transactions). Meanwhile, if one were to take a vacation in exotic places like Manila or Mumbai, what medium of exchange will one hold? Cryptocurrency, gold or the US dollar? Experience tells us you will be much better off holding greenbacks or even gold. Bitcoin is certainly not a store of value. The drawdown in cryptocurrency prices has been around 80% a year or 40%-50% over three months. This is much more volatile than currencies such as the Turkish lira or Argentinian peso, from countries fraught with political instability and economic fragility (Chart I-4). It appears that the lack of central bank oversight is a vice and not a virtue. Stability in a currency allows for confidence in savings, future purchases, and investment decisions. A monetary system based on cryptocurrencies deprives citizens of this basic tenet.   Chart I-4Bitcoin Is A Poor Store Of Value Bitcoin’s inherent volatility also makes it unsuitable as a unit of account. Prices quoted in bitcoin units will need to be revised daily. Although not a parallel comparison, this is reminiscent of hyperinflationary Zimbabwe, where retail store prices were adjusted several times a day to reflect the rapid depreciation in the currency. This is hardly a monetary regime suitable for the developed world, or any other economy for that matter. In a nutshell, cryptocurrencies do not yet satisfy the basic functions of money. Yes, they are portable, divisible, fungible and in limited supply. However, they have yet to gain wider acceptance, and are not a store of value nor a unit of account. As such, they remain speculative investments rather than money. The Demise Of Fiat Is Exaggerated Even if bitcoin is not money, the question remains whether it should be held in currency portfolios as insurance against fiat money debasement. After all, central bank quantitative easing since the global financial crisis has benefited other monetary assets such as gold and silver. Should investors also accumulate cryptocurrencies? The answer will depend on the type of investor. Dedicated currency investors need not worry about bitcoin. As a starting point, the US dollar very much remains the reserve currency today. About 60% of global reserve allocation is in USD. This position has often been challenged over the last few decades but has never been threatened (Chart I-5). This puts cryptocurrencies a long way from the starting line. Chart I-5The US Dollar Remains King It is worth noting that over time, fiat assets have done much better than anti-fiat alternatives. Using Bank of England data from the 19th century, we can see that over time, government bonds did much better than gold, or even stocks and real estate (Chart I-6). The reason is that most currencies provide a yield, while cryptocurrencies and gold do not. Chart I-6Fiat Versus Anti-Fiat Assets Chart I-7The DXY Has Faced Strong Resistance At 100 If one is worried about the path of the US dollar (like us), there are many other established fiat currencies to choose from. Since 2015, global allocation of FX Reserves to US dollars has fallen from almost 66% to around 60% today. The rotation has favored other currencies such as the Japanese yen, Chinese yuan and even gold (Chart I-7). From a longer-term perspective, this will place a durable floor under developed market currencies. Cryptocurrencies Versus Gold The degree to which cryptocurrencies can benefit from a shift away from dollars will depend on whether private investors or central banks drive the outflows. Central banks have a natural imperative to defend fiat currencies, since these are the very tools they use to implement monetary policy. As such, when diversifying out of dollars, their choice is other fiat currencies or gold, the latter having been a monetary standard for centuries. Private investors, some wanting to cut the cord to a centralized monetary system, may chose cryptocurrencies. Since the peak in the DXY index in 2020, both gold and US Treasuries are down significantly, while bitcoin has catapulted to new highs (Chart I-8). This has occurred because of a change in leadership, where the biggest sellers of US Treasuries have not been official concerns, but private investors (Chart I-9). Foreign central banks still dominate the holding of US Treasuries, to the tune of 60% versus 40% for private investors (bottom panel). But the bulk of outflows has been coming from private investors. Chart I-8Bitcoin Thrives When Mainstream Havens Are Rolling Over Chart I-9A Treasury Liquidation From ##br##Private Investors Central banks (the biggest holders of US Treasuries) tend to have stronger hands. This is because central banks are ideological while private investors can be swayed by momentum. For example, China and Russia have a geopolitical imperative to diversify out of dollars. As a result, Russia now has almost 25% of its foreign exchange reserves in gold and China almost 4%. A conservative investor looking to diversify out of fiat currency should naturally choose gold, which is backed by strong buyers. For more speculative investors, a simple rule of thumb could work: Buy cryptocurrencies when they drop 50% and sell when they overtake their previous highs. As we showed in Chart I-3, cryptocurrencies drop at least 40%-50% every year or so, providing ample opportunity to accumulate long positions. It is worth noting that my colleagues have a different approach. Dhaval Joshi, who heads our Counterpoint product, suggests holding cryptocurrencies in inverse proportion to their relative volatility to gold. In other words, given that bitcoin is three times more volatile than gold, your anti-fiat portfolio should have a 25% allocation to cryptocurrencies.3 Peter Berezin, our Chief Global Strategist, will not touch bitcoin. We tend to agree that cryptocurrencies could be a playable mania but would not recommend this asset class for the longer term. Central Bank Digital Currencies   One argument for why cryptocurrencies may not survive over the longer term is that there is a natural limit to how much widespread acceptance they will achieve before central banks start clamping down on them. The first reason will be due to the loss in seigniorage revenue for central banks. Between 2009 and 2019, the US and China generated about $140bn a year in seigniorage revenue (Chart I-10). These are non-negligible sums, which the rapid proliferation of cryptocurrencies threaten. Moreover, as the turnover in cryptocurrencies overtakes global trading in various domestic currencies, many countries are moving to ban bitcoin transactions (Table I-1). Chart I-10Seigniorage Revenue Is Significant Table 1A Rising List Of Cryptocurrency Bans Second, the use of cryptocurrencies can encourage the proliferation of illegal activities. This is a well-known flaw, and something governments will push back against. Meanwhile, many central banks are moving to establish their own digital currencies. Some of these could be based off the same blockchain technology that underpins bitcoin. This will provide many of the advantages of using a cryptocurrency without some of the known pitfalls. Map I-1 highlights that most G10 central banks have a digital currency plan. Map I-1Many Central Banks Are Planning A Digital Currency Some advocates for bitcoin point to its limited supply (21 million coins) as evidence for monetary prudence. Even the gold standard had more flexibility, since gold mining expanded about 2% a year. Yet that still proved to be extremely deflationary. A monetary standard that includes both paper currency and CBDCs provides the flexibility that central bankers need to smooth out economic cycles. A bitcoin-based standard will take us back to the middle ages. Once CDBCs become mainstream, the need for alternative cryptocurrencies will not disappear but fall greatly. This will also happen as the number of cryptocurrencies being created will likely balloon, given the very impressive price rallies in recent years. The IPO of Coinbase, an exchange for trading cryptocurrencies, may have heralded the peak in sentiment. Investment Conclusions The dollar faces many headwinds over the next 12 months. A rebound in global growth that begins to favor non-US economies will benefit pro-cyclical currencies. The Federal Reserve’s liquidity injections have assuaged the dollar shortage that held markets hostage last year. Interest rates are now moving against the dollar. Meanwhile, the greenback is expensive (Chart I-11), with a negative balance of payments backdrop. Chart I-11The US Dollar Is Expensive Chart I-12Hold Precious Metals Our favorite vehicles to play against coming weakness in the dollar have been the Scandinavian currencies, precious metals and commodity currencies. Within the precious metals sphere, we like both gold and silver but are short the gold/silver ratio as a hedged trade with little downside and much upside (Chart I-12). In particular, precious metals benefit from reserve diversification out of US dollars. In this light, cryptocurrencies could have intermittent rallies. However, given the regulatory and structural issues they face, we will not be holders for the long term.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 We use bitcoin and cryptocurrencies interchangeably in this text. We do acknowledge that there are various other cryptocurrencies and these are shown in Chart 1. 2 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Bitcoin: A Solution In Search Of A Problem," dated February 26, 2021. 3 Please see Counterpoint Strategy Special Report, "Why Cryptocurrencies Are Here To Stay And Bitcoin Is Worth $120,000," dated April 8, 2021. Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 March housing starts came in at 1.7 million, versus expectations of 1.6 million. This was a 19.4% month-on-month rise. Building permits were equally strong at 1.8 million for the month of March. The University of Michigan sentiment indicator rose to 86.5 in April from 84.9. The jump in the current conditions component from 93 to 97.2 was noteworthy. Initial jobless claims continue to decline, coming in at 547K for the week of April 17. Existing home sales remained strong at 6 million, even though they fell 3.7% month-on-month. The DXY Index fell by 0.3% this week. Speculators pared back a bit of their bullish positioning on the dollar. The overhang of a risk-off event continues to anchor dollar bulls, but interest rate differentials are now moving against the greenback. Report Links: Arbitrating Between Dollar Bulls And Bears - March 19, 2021 The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 Are Rising Bond Yields Bullish For The Dollar? - February 19, 2021 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 Recent euro area data have been mixed. The trade balance came in at €18.4 billion in February, versus €24.2 billion the previous month. This supported a current account balance of €25.9 billion. Construction output fell 5.8% year-on-year in February. Consumer confidence came in at -8.1 in April, versus -10.8 in March. The euro rose by 0.3% this week. The ECB kept monetary policy on hold this week, leaving the deposit facility rate at -0.5% and the marginal lending facility at 0.25%. This garnered little market reaction. With a few euro area countries under lockdown, this was the correct stance. Covid-19 will continue to dictate the near-term path of policy and the euro, but we remain bullish longer term. Report Links: Relative Growth, The Euro, And The Loonie - April 16, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 On Japanese Inflation And The Yen - January 29, 2021 Japanese Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 Recent data from Japan have been robust. Exports surged 16.1% year-on-year in March. Imports were also robust at +5.7% year-on-year. This boosted the trade balance to ¥298 billion. Tokyo condominiums for sale are rising 45% year-on-year. Supermarket sales rose 1.3% year-on-year in March. This is a tentative but positive sign of a consumption recovery. The Japanese yen rose 0.6% this week. The yen has been the best performing currency this week, a sign that sentiment was overly bearish and the currency was much oversold. Our intermediate-term indicator remains at bombed-out levels and speculators are still short the yen. This provides further upside for this defensive currency. As a portfolio hedge, we are short EUR/JPY. Report Links: The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 On Japanese Inflation And The Yen - January 29, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 There was an avalanche of positive data from the UK this week. Rightmove house prices came in at 5.1% year on year in April. The labor report was mixed. While the UK lost 73 thousand jobs in February, this was below expectations of a 145 thousand loss. Core CPI came in at 1.1% in March. The RPI index came in at 1.5% year-on-year, in line with expectations. The CBI business optimism survey came in at 38 in April, versus -22 the previous month. Cable rose by 0.4% this week. The UK economy continues to benefit from its strong vaccination campaign. With the prospect of the rest of the world catching up, this trade is now long in the tooth. In short, we are neutral the pound in the short term, but remain bullish longer-term. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 There was scant data out of Australia this week. The NAB business confidence index came in at 17 in Q1 versus 14 the prior quarter. The Australian dollar fell by 0.6% against the US dollar this week. The Aussie came out of the Covid-19 crisis as one of the best performing currencies, so some measure of consolidation is to be expected. Our intermediate-term indicator continues to blast downward, while sentiment towards the Aussie remains quite elevated. However, we believe that this will be a healthy consolidation in what could prove to be a multi-year bull market in the Australian dollar. Report Links: The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Australia: Regime Change For Bond Yields & The Currency? - January 20, 2021 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 There was scant data out of New Zealand this week. CPI came in at 1.5% in Q1, in line with expectations. The Kiwi fell by 0.2% against the US dollar this week. Like Australia, New Zealand has managed the Covid-19 crisis quite well and the new travel bubble between the two countries will help lift economic activity. From a technical perspective however, room for further consolidation in the Kiwi remains. Our intermediate-term indicator continues to drift lower, while speculators are slightly long the cross. In our models, the Kiwi also appears overvalued. We were long AUD/NZD but were stopped out this week for modest profits. We will look to reestablish the trade. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 The recent data out of Canada has been quite strong. Foreigners continue to flock into Canadian capital markets, to the tune of C$8.5bn in February. Housing starts came in at 335 thousand in March, the highest since the 70s. The Teranet house price index rose 10.8% year-on-year in March. The CPI release for March was better than expected. Headline was at 2.2%, the core median was at 2.1% and the trimmed mean came in at 2.2%. The Canadian dollar rose by 0.3% this week. The Bank of Canada kept rates on hold, but trimmed asset purchases. This follows a very generous budget from the Liberal party earlier this week. The loonie loved the news and Canadian government bonds sold off. We remain bullish CAD/USD on valuation grounds, spillovers from US fiscal stimulus and a constructive oil backdrop.  Report Links: Relative Growth, The Euro, And The Loonie - April 16, 2021 Will The Canadian Recovery Lead Or Lag The Global Cycle? - February 12, 2021 Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 The recent data out of Switzerland has been quite strong. Producer and import prices fell by 0.2% year-on-year in March. This is a tremendous improvement from the previous 1.1% drop. M3 money supply continues to expand at a robust 5.6% clip. Exports rose 4.5% month-on-month in March. Watch exports surged 37% year-on-year. The Swiss franc rose 0.5% this week. The Swiss franc is the second best performing currency this week after the yen. With US interest rates stabilizing, the rationale for CHF carry trades is slowly fading. Our intermediate-term indicator shows the franc at bombed-out levels, and speculators are still short. This provides some margin for further upside. We are long EUR/CHF, but with very tight stops. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 On The DXY Breakout, Euro, And Swiss Franc - February 21, 2020 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 There was scant data out of Norway this week. Industrial confidence came in at 8.2 in Q1, versus a prior reading of 3.1. The Norwegian krone was flat against the US dollar this week. Norway is setting the tone in terms of what monetary policy and sovereign wealth management could look like for many countries in the coming years. First, the Norges Bank announced they would be testing digital currency solutions over the coming two years. This is the way forward for central banks. Second, the sovereign wealth fund, the biggest in the world, is using its influence to effect policy changes towards the environment. Should the returns from its investments pay off in the years ahead, this could generate powerful repatriation flows for Norway. We are strategically bullish the NOK. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 A New Paradigm For Petrocurrencies - April 10, 2020 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 There was no data out of Sweden this week. The Swedish krona rose by 0.2% this week. Swedish 2-year real rates recently punched above US levels, suggesting downward pressure on the krona should soon be abating. Our intermediate-term indicator suggests weakness in the krona is mostly done, while the currency appears cheap in most of our models. The handicap for Sweden is successfully dealing with the pandemic, after having a model that stood apart from what other countries were following. Over the longer-term, we are bullish SEK, just like the NOK, against both the euro and the dollar. Report Links: Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Where To Next For The US Dollar? - June 7, 2019 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders Closed Trades

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Aspectos destacados Es probable que Los Verdes obtengan el control del gobierno de Alemania en las elecciones federales del 26 de septiembre. Al menos serán muy influyentes en la nueva coalición. Alemania ha logrado muchas de sus metas geopolíticas a largo plazo dentro de la UE. Existe consenso sobre políticas monetarias y fiscales acomodaticias y una política medioambiental beligerante. Los mayores cambios vendrán desde el exterior. La relación entre EE. UU. y Alemania es más difícil. Aunque ambos se oponen a la agresión rusa y china, Alemania se resistirá a la agresión estadounidense. Los Demócratas Cristianos tienen un 65% de probabilidad de permanecer en el gobierno, lo que limitaría la controvertida y ambiciosa agenda fiscal de Los Verdes. La probabilidad del 35% de una coalición de izquierdas adelantará el estímulo fiscal para favorecer la recuperación. La economía muestra signos de mejora y un relajamiento fiscal liderado por Los Verdes supercargará la recuperación. Sin embargo, la política de coalición probablemente no abordará la mala demografía de Alemania, la productividad en deterioro y los altos ahorros excedentes. En términos cíclicos, sobreponderar bonos periféricos europeos frente a los bunds; EUR/USD; y acciones italianas y españolas frente a las alemanas. Análisis Gráfico 1 Los alemanes recurren a una mujer joven y a una ecologista Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Alemania está a punto de convertirse en el primer país importante gobernado por un partido verde. Como mínimo, las elecciones alemanas del 26 de septiembre verán una sorpresa en la que el partido gobernante rinda por debajo de lo esperado y Los Verdes por encima de lo esperado (Gráfico 1). En un 30%, los mercados de apuestas en línea están subestimando las probabilidades de que Annalena Baerbock se convierta en la primera canciller verde en 2022, y la primera canciller elegida proveniente de un tercer partido (Gráfico 2). La “cuestión alemana” —el problema de cómo unificar Alemania y al mismo tiempo mantener la paz con los vecinos— estuvo en el corazón de Europa durante los últimos dos siglos, pero hoy parece sustancialmente resuelta: una Alemania pacífica y unificada está en el centro de una Europa mayormente pacífica y en gran parte unificada. Hay una serie de riesgos en el horizonte, pero debe reconocerse este trasfondo positivo. Gráfico 2 El mercado despierta ante la candidatura de Baerbock a la cancillería Vientos de Cambio: Alemania se Vuelve Verde Vientos de Cambio: Alemania se Vuelve Verde Todos los escenarios más probables para las elecciones alemanas reforzarán la situación actual al perpetuar políticas que apuntan a la solidaridad de la zona euro. Incluso el giro verde ya está en marcha, aunque un gobierno liderado por Los Verdes lo supercargará. No obstante, las elecciones de este año son importantes porque anuncian un giro hacia la izquierda en Alemania y darán forma a la política fiscal, energética, industrial y comercial durante, al menos, los próximos cuatro años. Un barrido de izquierdas generaría entusiasmo en el mercado de acciones a corto plazo —una sorpresa fiscal positiva que supercargaría el rebote pospandemia— pero, a largo plazo, traería mayor incertidumbre política porque supondría una ruptura con el pasado y posiblemente un cambio económico estructural (Gráfico 3). Los Verdes están a favor de aumentos sustanciales en impuestos y regulación, así como de grandes cambios en la política industrial y energética. En ausencia de un barrido de izquierdas, la política de coalición será confusa y las políticas actuales de Alemania continuarán. Gráfico 3 Aumento de la incertidumbre sobre la política alemana Aumenta la incertidumbre política en Alemania Aumenta la incertidumbre política en Alemania Independientemente de lo que ocurra dentro de Alemania, el entorno geopolítico es cada vez más peligroso. Alemania intentará evitar verse arrastrada a las grandes luchas de poder de EE. UU. con Rusia y China, pero puede que no tenga elección. La geopolítica de Alemania La dificultad de la unificación alemana está en el centro de la historia europea moderna. Debido a la gran y productiva población germanoparlante, la unificación en 1871 supuso una amenaza de seguridad para los vecinos, culminando en las guerras mundiales. La reunificación pacífica de Alemania tras la Guerra Fría creó el potencial para que la UE tuviera éxito y estableciera paz y prosperidad en el continente. Este arreglo ha sobrevivido a desafíos recientes. La relación de Alemania con la UE estuvo amenazada por la crisis financiera, la Primavera Árabe y la oleada migratoria, el Brexit y los aranceles comerciales del presidente Trump. Pero al final estos eventos consolidaron la realidad de que Alemania y Europa están fortaleciendo sus lazos frente a presiones externas. Alemania consiguió lo que buscaba desde hace tiempo —la preeminencia en el continente— al evitar un papel militar, mantenerse junto a Francia en lo económico y evitar el conflicto con Rusia. Dado que Alemania ha alcanzado muchas de sus metas estratégicas de larga data, no ha sucumbido a una reacción nacionalista en la última década como sí ocurrió en EE. UU. y el Reino Unido. Sin embargo, Alemania no es inmune al populismo o al sentimiento anti-establecimiento. Los dos principales bloques políticos, los Demócratas Cristianos y los Socialdemócratas, han sufrido pérdida de apoyo popular en elecciones recientes, obligándolos a formar una gran coalición juntos. El sentimiento anti-establecimiento en Alemania ha movido al electorado hacia la izquierda, a favor de Los Verdes. Los Verdes han ido subiendo inexorablemente durante la última década y ahora han tomado el impulso a solo cinco meses de las elecciones (Gráfico 4). Aun así, Los Verdes en Alemania son básicamente un partido político establecido. Participan en 11 de 16 gobiernos estatales y actualmente ocupan la posición principal en Baden-Württemberg, el tercer estado más poblado y productivo de Alemania. Entre 1998 y 2005 participaron en el gobierno, manchándose con reformas estructurales neoliberales y despliegues militares en el extranjero. Además, Los Verdes no pueden gobernar en solitario, sino que deberán gobernar en coalición, lo que moderará sus políticas más controvertidas. Gráfico 4 Auge de Los Verdes, tropiezo de los Demócratas Cristianos Los Verdes se disparan, los Demócratas Cristianos flaquean Los Verdes se disparan, los Demócratas Cristianos flaquean Hoy Alemania marcha al compás de Francia y la UE cumpliendo tres condiciones clave: plena acomodación monetaria (los desafíos del tribunal constitucional alemán al Banco Central Europeo son ineficaces), plena acomodación fiscal (la canciller Angela Merkel accedió a la emisión conjunta de deuda y a un control laxo de déficits en medio de la crisis del COVID-19, además de políticas robustas de energía verde) y plena acomodación en seguridad (el rearme alemán existe dentro del contexto de la OTAN y las aspiraciones de seguridad europeas se emprenden en sintonía con los franceses). Estas condiciones no cambiarán en las elecciones de 2021 incluso si Los Verdes llegaran al poder al frente de una coalición de izquierdas. Conclusión: Alemania ha prácticamente alcanzado sus grandes objetivos estratégicos de unificar y liderar Europa. Ningún gobierno alemán desafiará esta situación y todos los gobiernos alemanes se esforzarán por solidificarla. Los mayores riesgos para este arreglo provienen del exterior más que del interior. ¿El retorno de la cuestión alemana? La posición geopolítica de Alemania puede resumirse en el Gráfico 5, que muestra las opiniones populares hacia distintos países e instituciones. Los alemanes ven positivamente a la UE y a instituciones globales como las Naciones Unidas y menos a la OTAN. Ven de forma desfavorable a todo lo demás. Tienen una opinión desfavorable hacia Rusia, pero no de manera dramática, lo que muestra su falta de interés en un conflicto con Rusia: no quieren ser el campo de batalla ni las murallas de otra gran guerra europea. No les gustan Estados Unidos y China aún más, y con igual intensidad. Aunque las actitudes hacia EE. UU. han mejorado desde las elecciones de 2020, la desfavorabilidad neta es significativa. Gráfico 5 ¿Alemania más favorable hacia Rusia que hacia EE. UU.? Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Desde la crisis financiera global, y especialmente desde la invasión rusa de Ucrania en 2014, Alemania ha reforzado su ejército. Este aumento se realiza bajo el estímulo de Estados Unidos y en consonancia con los aliados de la OTAN, que reaccionan a la acción militar rusa para restaurar su esfera de influencia en el antiguo espacio soviético (Gráfico 6). No obstante, el gasto militar de Alemania sigue por debajo del objetivo de la OTAN del 2% del PIB. No se la verá como una amenaza para sus vecinos mientras permanezca integrada con Francia y Europa y orientada a disuadir a Rusia. Gráfico 6 Alemania y la OTAN aumentan el gasto militar Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Gráfico 7 Vigilar las relaciones ruso-alemanas por grietas en el edificio europeo Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde La agresividad de Rusia debería seguir empujando a alemanes y europeos a estrechar sus lazos. Esto podría cambiar si Putin apuesta por la diplomacia en lugar de la coerción militar, ya que entonces podría dividir a Alemania del este de Europa. La posibilidad es clara por la insistencia actual de Rusia y Alemania en completar el gasoducto Nord Stream 2 a pesar de las objeciones de EE. UU. y de Europa del Este. El gasoducto está previsto que se complete para septiembre, justo a tiempo para las elecciones —en no poca medida porque Los Verdes se oponen—. Si EE. UU. insiste en detener el gasoducto, estallaría una crisis con Rusia que humillaría a Merkel y a los Demócratas Cristianos. Pero EE. UU. podría abstenerse de hacerlo ante amenazas militares rusas (las probabilidades son 50/50). El despliegue ruso de más de 100.000 tropas en la frontera con Ucrania este año —y ahora supuestamente ordenando su regreso a la base para el 1 de mayo— equivale a una prueba de las relaciones ruso-alemanas. Putin puede ampliar fácilmente la huella rusa en Ucrania y las tensiones permanecerán elevadas al menos hasta las elecciones legislativas rusas en septiembre. Los alemanes responderían a otra invasión con sanciones, aunque probablemente suavizando las sanciones más duras propuestas por los estadounidenses. Lo que realmente cambiaría el juego sería una conquista rusa de toda Ucrania. Esto es poco probable —precisamente porque uniría firmemente a Alemania, a los europeos y a los estadounidenses contra Rusia, con pérdidas económicas y desventajas estratégicas para ésta (Gráfico 7). El ascenso de China también debería mantener a Alemania vinculada a Europa. Los alemanes temen el avance tecnológico y manufacturero de China, incluida la participación china en infraestructuras y redes digitales. Los Verdes critican la forma en que los bienes chinos intensivos en carbono socavan los precios de los bienes alemanes bajos en carbono. Baerbock favorece tarifas de ajuste por carbono, un término elegante para aranceles. Sin embargo, los alemanes quieren mantener relaciones comerciales con China y no temen mucho su poder militar. Por tanto, existe el riesgo de una ruptura entre EE. UU. y Alemania en la cuestión china. Si Alemania llegara a alinearse consistentemente con Rusia y China frente a las objeciones estadounidenses, correría el riesgo de atraer atención hostil de EE. UU. y de otros europeos, que eventualmente temerían que el poder alemán se volviera excesivo al formar relaciones con gigantes fuera de la UE. Pero este no es hoy el riesgo principal. EE. UU. está cortejando a Alemania y buscando renovar la alianza transatlántica. Mientras tanto, Alemania necesita el apoyo estadounidense contra las prácticas comerciales de China y la amenaza militar rusa. Las relaciones EE. UU.-Alemania mejorarán a menos que EE. UU. obligue a Alemania a un conflicto abierto con las potencias autocráticas. Conclusión: La relación entre EE. UU. y Alemania es más difícil ahora que en el pasado, pero comparten el interés de disuadir la agresión rusa y las ambiciones tecnológicas y comerciales de China. El intento de Biden de confrontar a estas potencias de manera multilateral está limitado por la aversión al riesgo de Alemania. Escenarios para las elecciones de 2021 Hay varios escenarios realistas para el resultado electoral alemán. Nuestra expectativa de que Los Verdes formarán gobierno se basa en una serie de factores fundamentales. La opinión pública ahora se ha desplazado claramente a favor de nuestra perspectiva, con Los Verdes ganando impulso a solo cinco meses de las elecciones. Agrupar los partidos en bloques ideológicos muestra que la carrera está empatada. Nuestra apuesta es que el momentum se romperá a favor de la oposición verde, que explicamos a continuación. Mientras tanto, los Demócratas Libres deberían desempeñarse bien, robando votos a los Demócratas Cristianos. La derecha Alternativa für Deutschland (AfD), aunque no obtiene buenos resultados, es lo suficientemente persistente como para arañar algunos votos a los Demócratas Cristianos. Estos son votos “perdidos” para los conservadores, ya que ninguno de los demás partidos se unirá a ellos en una coalición (Gráfico 8). Gráfico 8 El votante medio de Alemania se desplaza a la izquierda El votante medio de Alemania se desplaza hacia la izquierda El votante medio de Alemania se desplaza hacia la izquierda Los Demócratas Cristianos muestran todos los signos de un gobierno agotado y vulnerable. Han estado en el poder durante 16 años y su desempeño en elecciones estatales y federales se ha erosionado recientemente, incluso este año (Tabla 1). El público es susceptible a la poderosa idea de que es hora de un cambio. La aprobación de la canciller Merkel sigue rondando el 60%, pero está en caída libre, y su legado exitoso no es suficiente para salvar a su partido, que muestra todos los signos de pánico: problemas de sucesión, indecisión, luchas internas, escándalos de corrupción. Los Verdes serán unos izquierdistas “impuestos-y-gasto”, pero la coalición importa en términos de lo que realmente se puede legislar (Tabla 2).1 Tabla 1A Los Demócratas Cristianos caen, Los Verdes suben, en elecciones estatales recientes Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Tabla 1B Los Demócratas Cristianos caen, Los Verdes suben, en elecciones estatales recientes Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Tabla 2 Plataformas políticas del Partido Verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde El hecho de que los Demócratas Cristianos y su partido hermano bávaro, la Unión Social Cristiana, hayan tenido una contienda tan dura por el candidato a canciller es un mal presagio. Además, las élites del partido optaron por la opción segura del sucesor escogido por Merkel, Armin Laschet, en lugar del más popular Markus Söder (Gráfico 9), en una división que probablemente perseguirá al partido más adelante este año. Gráfico 9 Demócratas Cristianos y Unión Social Cristiana divididos antes de las elecciones Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Laschet ha recibido un repunte en las encuestas con la nominación, pero será temporal. No había destacado en ninguna encuesta previa a la nominación. Gráfico 10 El descontento apunta a un cambio de gobierno Vientos de Cambio: Alemania se Vuelve Verde Vientos de Cambio: Alemania se Vuelve Verde Ha discutido abiertamente con Merkel y la coalición sobre la gestión de la pandemia. En cualquier caso, no fue su primera opción de sucesor —esa fue Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, que cayó en desgracia por controversias sobre el más mínimo indicio de cooperación con la AfD. Existe un problema manifiesto para llenar los zapatos de Merkel. Aún más importante que las luchas internas por la coalición es el hecho de que Alemania, como el resto del mundo, ha sufrido un shock histórico en su economía y sociedad. La pandemia y la recesión se agravaron luego por una mala implementación de la vacunación. El descontento general es alto, otra señal negativa para el partido en el poder (Gráfico 10). Por supuesto, las elecciones aún están a cinco meses. La vacuna hará su recorrido, la economía se reabrirá y los consumidores mejorarán su confianza —véase más abajo el giro macro muy positivo que Alemania debería esperar entre ahora y las elecciones. Los votantes en gran medida han apoyado medidas pandémicas estrictas y Merkel aún tendrá una larga influencia. Los Demócratas Cristianos y la Unión Social Cristiana han gobernado la Alemania moderna durante todo el periodo salvo 15 años y no han caído por debajo del 33% del voto popular desde la reunificación. Los Verdes con frecuencia han generado más energía en las encuestas que en las urnas. Con estos puntos en mente, ofrecemos los siguientes escenarios electorales con nuestras probabilidades subjetivas: Coalición Verde-Rojo-Rojo – Los Verdes gobiernan sin los Demócratas Cristianos – 35% de probabilidad. Coalición Verde-Negro – Los Verdes gobiernan con los Demócratas Cristianos – 30% de probabilidad. Coalición Negro-Verde – Los Demócratas Cristianos gobiernan con Los Verdes – 25% de probabilidad. Gran coalición (status quo) – Los Demócratas Cristianos gobiernan sin Los Verdes – 10% de probabilidad. Nuestras probabilidades subjetivas se basan en las encuestas de opinión y las apuestas en línea citadas arriba, pero ajustadas por el impulso de Los Verdes, las divisiones internas de los Demócratas Cristianos, el factor “es hora de un cambio” y la presencia de un shock económico y social exógeno histórico. Pueden ocurrir sorpresas geopolíticas antes de las elecciones, pero lo más probable es que refuercen a Los Verdes, ya que han adoptado una postura beligerante contra Rusia y China. Conclusión: Es probable que Los Verdes lideren el próximo gobierno alemán, pero como mínimo tendrán una gran influencia. Impactos políticos de los escenarios electorales La composición de la coalición gobernante determinará los parámetros de la nueva política. La política fiscal cambiará según el resultado electoral —tanto el gasto como los impuestos. Los Verdes serán unos izquierdistas “impuestos-y-gasto”, pero la coalición importa en términos de lo que realmente se puede legislar.2 La idea de Los Verdes es “dirigir” el proceso de reconstrucción mediante la política medioambiental. Pero si la izquierda carece de una mayoría sólida, las medidas más controvertidas y punitivas de Los Verdes no pasarán. Las políticas transformadoras recaerán con fuerza sobre las clases bajas (Gráfico 11). Gráfico 11 La ambiciosa política climática encontrará resistencia Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Las disposiciones políticas de los distintos candidatos a canciller ayudan a ilustrar el alto grado de consenso político en Alemania. La Tabla 3 analiza a los candidatos según si son “beligerantes” (activos u ofensivos) o “palomas” (pasivos o defensivos) en un área política determinada. Lo que destaca es el acuerdo entre los distintos candidatos a pesar de las diferencias partidarias. Nadie es un halcón fiscal o monetario. Solo Baerbock puede clasificarse como beligerante en comercio.3 Nadie es beligerante en inmigración. Casi todos son beligerantes en la lucha contra el cambio climático. Y las actitudes se están volviendo más escépticas respecto a Rusia y China, aunque no abiertamente beligerantes. Tabla 3 Consenso político entre los candidatos a canciller de Alemania Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Alemania no abandonará sus iniciativas verdes incluso si Los Verdes rinden por debajo de lo esperado. La actual gran coalición impulsó un paquete climático debido a la presión popular incluso con Los Verdes en la oposición. Los alemanes son considerablemente más proambientales que otros europeos (Gráfico 12). El giro verde también está ocurriendo en todo el mundo. EE. UU. ahora se une a la carrera verde mientras que China se reafirma por sus propias razones. Véase el Apéndice para los objetivos y medidas verdes actuales, que se han actualizado tras una oleada de anuncios antes de la cumbre climática del Día de la Tierra de Biden los días 22 y 23 de abril. Gráfico 12 A los alemanes les importa aún más el medio ambiente que a otros europeos Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Cualquier coalición aumentará el gasto más que los impuestos, ya que se centrará en la recuperación económica post-COVID. Ha habido un largo preludio al giro fiscal proactivo de Alemania —tiene permanencia y no debe descartarse. Una coalición demócrata-cristiana trataría de restaurar la disciplina fiscal antes que de otro modo, pero solo hay un 5% de probabilidad de que tenga el poder para hacerlo según los escenarios anteriores. El resto de Europa se sentirá motivado a gastar agresivamente mientras los límites fiscales de la UE estén en pausa en 2022, especialmente si el gobierno alemán toma un giro más acomodaticio. Más aún que EE. UU. y el Reino Unido, Alemania se está alejando del Consenso de Washington neoliberal. Pero los alemanes no están experimentando ningún tipo de oleada de polarización y populismo al estilo estadounidense. Al menos, no todavía. Podría ser un riesgo a largo plazo, dependiendo del destino de los Demócratas Cristianos, la AfD y diversos desarrollos internos y externos. Conclusión: Alemania tiene un consenso nacional que consiste en políticas monetarias, fiscales, comerciales y migratorias acomodaticias y una política medioambiental beligerante (pro-verde). Alemania se vuelve menos pacífica en conflictos geopolíticos con Rusia y China. Dado que es probable un gobierno de coalición, este consenso probablemente determinará la política real tras las elecciones de este año. Algunas cosas están claras independientemente de la coalición gobernante. Primero, Alemania busca la demanda interna como nueva fuente de crecimiento, para reequilibrar su economía y profundizar la integración europea. Segundo, Alemania acelera su impulso hacia la energía verde. Tercero, Alemania no puede aceptar estar en medio de una nueva guerra fría con Rusia. Cuarto, Alemania tiene una política ambivalente hacia China. Perspectiva macro de Alemania Incluso antes de considerar el panorama fiscal más amplio, las perspectivas de la actividad económica alemana durante los próximos 12 a 24 meses ya eran positivas. Nuestro escenario base para las elecciones de septiembre, que prevé un gobierno de coalición liderado por el Partido Verde, solo confirma esta visión optimista. Sin embargo, Alemania sigue afrontando desafíos estructurales significativos y, hasta ahora, no ha habido consenso político para abordar adecuadamente estos vientos en contra estructurales. Los Verdes ofrecen algunas soluciones, pero no todas sus propuestas son constructivas y mucho dependerá de su fuerza parlamentaria. Mirando al corto plazo… La economía alemana se beneficiará de la continua recuperación del ciclo económico global, que es una visión en el núcleo de la perspectiva actual de BCA Research.4 Alemania sigue siendo una potencia comercial y manufacturera, y por tanto cosechará un dividendo significativo del repunte manufacturero global continuado. La manufactura y el comercio representan el 20% y el 88% del PIB alemán, el porcentaje más alto de cualquier economía importante. Alternativamente, según la OCDE, la demanda exterior de bienes alemanes representa casi el 30% del valor agregado doméstico, una participación incluso mayor que la de una economía más pequeña como Corea (Gráfico 13). Además, vehículos de carretera, maquinaria y otros equipos de transporte, así como productos químicos y afines, representan el 53% de las exportaciones alemanas. Estos productos son particularmente sensibles al ciclo económico global. Por tanto, mejorarán el desempeño de la economía alemana durante los próximos dos años. El comercio con el resto de Europa constituye otro impulso para la economía alemana en el futuro. Los envíos al área del euro y al resto de la UE representan el 34% y el 23% de las exportaciones alemanas, o un 57% en total. Ahora mismo, la economía rezagada de Europa es un lastre para Alemania; sin embargo, Europa tiene más demanda reprimida que EE. UU., y el consumo de bienes duraderos se disparará una vez que avance la campaña de vacunación (Gráfico 14). Esto creará un beneficio significativo para Alemania, pues esperamos que el consumo europeo aumente notablemente en los próximos 12 a 18 meses.5 Gráfico 13 Alemania depende del comercio global Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Gráfico 14 Europa tiene más demanda reprimida que EE. UU. Europa Tiene Más Demanda Acumulada Que Estados Unidos Europa Tiene Más Demanda Acumulada Que Estados Unidos Gráfico 15 Progreso en la vacunación Progreso de la vacunación Progreso de la vacunación Las fuerzas internas también apuntan a una economía alemana fuerte, no solo factores externos. El ritmo de vacunación se acelera rápidamente en Alemania (Gráfico 15). El anuncio reciente de la compra de 50 millones de dosis adicionales para el trimestre y hasta 1.8 mil millones de dosis más durante los próximos dos años por parte de la UE apunta a mejoras adicionales. Un esfuerzo de vacunación más amplio catalizará los vientos favorables subyacentes al consumo. Los ingresos de los hogares alemanes también avanzarán significativamente. El programa Kurzarbeit fue fundamental para contener la tasa de desempleo durante la crisis, que solo alcanzó un pico del 6.4% desde el 5% a principios de 2020. Sin embargo, el programa no pudo evitar una fuerte caída en las horas totales trabajadas del 7%, ya que por definición forzó a seis millones de empleados a trabajar menos horas (Gráfico 16). Uno de los grandes beneficios del programa es que evita una ruptura del vínculo entre trabajadores y empleadores. Así, la economía sufre menos desempleo friccional a medida que la actividad se recupera y los ingresos de los hogares no sufren daños duraderos. Mientras tanto, es probable que el gobierno alemán extienda el apoyo a hogares y empresas como resultado del uso retrasado del freno de la deuda. Los Verdes proponen revisar el freno de la deuda en lugar de restablecerlo en 2022 como prometen los conservadores. Gráfico 16 Kurzarbeit salvó la situación Kurtzarbeit salvó el día Kurtzarbeit salvó el día La fortaleza del balance de los hogares alemanes significa que tendrán capacidad para gastar estos ingresos crecientes. Los precios de la vivienda residencial están subiendo a un ritmo anual del 8%, lo que empuja la ratio activos/ingreso disponible a niveles récord. Mientras tanto, la ratio deuda/activos y el nivel de tipos de interés también son muy bajos, lo que significa que la carga de servicio de las obligaciones existentes es mínima (Gráfico 17). En este contexto, el gasto en bienes duraderos se acelerará, lo que impulsará el gasto cíclico total, incluso si los hogares alemanes no gastan gran parte de los EUR 120.000 millones en ahorros excedentes acumulados durante el último año. Como muestra el Gráfico 18, mientras que el gasto en bienes duraderos de EE. UU. ya ha superado sus máximos previos al COVID, el de Alemania continúa cercano a su tendencia a largo plazo. Por tanto, cuando la economía se reabra este verano, y aumenten los ingresos y el empleo, el consiguiente aumento de la confianza del consumidor permitirá una recuperación del gasto cíclico. Gráfico 17 Sólidos balances de los hogares Sólidos balances de los hogares Sólidos balances de los hogares Gráfico 18 Alemania también tiene más demanda reprimida que EE. UU. Alemania también tiene más demanda acumulada que Estados Unidos Alemania también tiene más demanda acumulada que Estados Unidos Gráfico 19 Mensaje positivo de muchos indicadores Mensaje Positivo de Muchos Indicadores Mensaje Positivo de Muchos Indicadores Varios indicadores económicos ya apuntan hacia el próximo auge económico alemán. Los pedidos manufactureros son fuertes y la confianza en la mayoría de los sectores está aumentando. Mientras tanto, el optimismo del consumidor forma un fondo, y las matriculaciones de coches nuevos están subiendo rápidamente. Lo más positivo es que las existencias de productos terminados se han desplomado, lo que sugiere que la producción aumentará para satisfacer la demanda futura (Gráfico 19). Conclusión: La economía alemana está lista para acelerar en la segunda mitad del año y hacia 2022. Como es habitual, Alemania disfrutará de un saludable dividendo por el robusto crecimiento global, pero el programa de vacunación en expansión, así como las sólidas relaciones empleado-empleador, los fuertes balances de los hogares y la demanda reprimida por bienes duraderos también impulsarán la economía doméstica. Nuestro escenario base, de que la política fiscal se mantendrá acomodaticia tras un giro político a la izquierda en Berlín en septiembre, solo supercargará esta recuperación inevitable. … y a largo plazo En contraste con la brillante perspectiva a corto plazo, las perspectivas a largo plazo para la economía alemana siguen siendo pobres. Las políticas de cualquier nueva coalición gobernante probablemente no abordarán los problemas de la mala demografía de Alemania, la productividad en deterioro y los altos ahorros excedentes. Existe potencial para un impulso de productividad en el contexto de una carrera global por la energía verde y las tecnologías avanzadas, pero por ahora eso sigue siendo una especulación. El problema más obvio que enfrenta Alemania es su población envejecida, contrarrestada por una tasa de fecundidad de solo 1.6. En el transcurso de las próximas tres décadas, la ratio de dependencia de Alemania aumentará hasta el 80%, impulsada por un incremento de la ratio de dependencia de ancianos del 20% (Gráfico 20). La población en edad laboral se reducirá un 18% para 2050, lo que recortará el crecimiento potencial del PIB. Las perspectivas de crecimiento de la productividad alemana también son pobres. El crecimiento de la productividad de Alemania ha estado en declive a largo plazo, cayendo del 5% en 1975 a menos del 1% en 2019. Contrariamente a ideas comunes, entre 1999 y 2007, el crecimiento de la productividad laboral alemana solo igualó al de Francia o España; desde 2008, ha quedado rezagada respecto a estas dos naciones, aunque ha superado a Italia. Una razón crucial para el escaso rendimiento de la productividad alemana es la falta de inversión. Parte de esto refleja la austera política fiscal del país. Por ejemplo, en 2019 la inversión pública de Alemania se situó en el 2.4% del PIB, lo que se compara pobremente con el promedio de la OCDE del 3.8%, o incluso con el de EE. UU., donde la inversión pública fue del 3.6% del PIB. Esta mala estadística ni siquiera toma en cuenta la depreciación del stock de capital público alemán. Desde la introducción del euro, la inversión pública neta ha promediado un 0.03% del PIB. El mayor problema sigue siendo el nivel municipal. De 2012 a 2019, la inversión neta a nivel federal y estatal promedió 0.2% del PIB, mientras que la inversión neta municipal restó 0.2% del PIB en promedio. Esperemos que el nuevo gobierno pueda abordar esta deficiencia de la economía alemana. Los Verdes son los más proactivos, pero enfrentarán obstáculos. El problema mayor para la productividad alemana es la inversión de las empresas (capex). Las inversiones corporativas han sido bajas en este país. Desde la introducción del euro, la contribución de la intensidad de capital a la productividad en Alemania ha igualado a la de Italia y ha rendido menos que Francia y España. Como resultado, la antigüedad del stock de capital alemán está en un nivel récord y se sitúa muy por encima de la media de EE. UU. o la eurozona (Gráfico 21). Gráfico 20 Alemania tiene una demografía pobre Germany Has Poor Demographics Germany Has Poor Demographics Gráfico 21 El stock de capital de Alemania está envejeciendo El stock de capital de Alemania está envejeciendo. El stock de capital de Alemania está envejeciendo. La composición del capex alemán agrava la desventaja de productividad. Según un estudio del Bundesbank, la contribución a la productividad laboral del gasto en capital en tecnologías de la información y la comunicación (TIC) promedió 0.05 puntos porcentuales anuales entre 2008 y 2012. En esta métrica, Alemania quedó por detrás de Francia y EE. UU., pero superó a Italia. De 2013 a 2017, la contribución de la inversión en TIC a la productividad cayó a 0.02 puntos porcentuales, aún por debajo de Francia y EE. UU., pero en línea con Italia. Al observar el nivel absoluto de inversión en TIC o capital basado en el conocimiento (KBC), se pone de manifiesto el desafío de Alemania. En 2016, la inversión total en equipo TIC, software y bases de datos, I+D y productos de propiedad intelectual, y otros activos KBC (que incluyen capital organizativo y formación) representó menos del 8% del PIB. En Francia, EE. UU. o Suecia, estos desembolsos representaron el 11%, 12% y 13% del PIB, respectivamente (Gráfico 22, panel superior). Esta falta de inversión perjudica directamente la capacidad de innovación de Alemania. El panel inferior del Gráfico 22 muestra que, para las ocho categorías más importantes de patentes TIC (que representan el 80% del total), Alemania se queda sorprendentemente atrás respecto a EE. UU., Japón, Corea o China. Gráfico 22 Alemania rezaga en inversión TIC Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Una fuente importante de la desventaja de Alemania en inversión en TIC y KBC proviene de las pequeñas empresas, que han sido particularmente reacias a desplegar capital. Un estudio de la OCDE muestra que, entre 2010 y 2019, la brecha en la adopción de herramientas y actividades TIC entre las pequeñas y grandes empresas de Alemania se deterioró respecto al promedio de la OCDE (Gráfico 23). La falta de inversión de capital de riesgo probablemente exacerba estos problemas. En 2019, la inversión de capital de riesgo representó el 0.06% del PIB de Alemania. Esto está por debajo del nivel de inversión de riesgo en Francia o el Reino Unido (0.08% y 0.1% del PIB, respectivamente), y mucho por debajo de Corea del Sur, Canadá, Israel o EE. UU. (0.16%, 0.2%, 0.4% y 0.65%, respectivamente). Los Verdes afirman que crearán nuevos fondos de capital de riesgo, pero su capacidad en este dominio es cuestionable. Gráfico 23 Las rezagadas capacidades TIC de las pequeñas empresas alemanas Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Dado que es probable que el crecimiento de la productividad de Alemania siga siendo inferior al del resto de la OCDE y que esté por detrás incluso del de Francia o Reino Unido, la única manera de que Alemania proteja su competitividad será controlar los costes. Esto significa que Alemania no puede permitir que su reciente pérdida de competitividad continúe mucho más (Gráfico 24). Por tanto, el bajo crecimiento de la productividad limitará los salarios reales en Alemania. Gráfico 24 La competitividad de Alemania está en declive La competitividad de Alemania está disminuyendo La competitividad de Alemania está disminuyendo Esta restricción salarial impactará negativamente el consumo. Más allá de un repunte en los próximos 12 a 24 meses, el consumo alemán probablemente permanecerá deprimido, como lo estuvo en la primera década y media del siglo, tras las reformas laborales Hartz IV que también perjudicaron los salarios reales. Los Verdes, por su parte, pretenden aumentar las prestaciones sociales, elevar el salario mínimo y reducir la aplicación de Hartz IV. Conclusión: Los ahorros excedentes de Alemania seguirán siendo amplios de forma estructural. Sin un repunte significativo en capex, las empresas no financieras alemanas seguirán siendo prestamistas netas. Mientras tanto, los hogares que se preocuparon por su futuro financiero en un mundo de bajo crecimiento salarial real también continuarán ahorrando una parte significativa de sus ingresos. En consecuencia, los ahorros excedentes que Alemania desarrolló desde el cambio de milenio están aquí para quedarse (Gráfico 25). En otras palabras, Alemania seguirá exhibiendo un gran superávit por cuenta corriente y ejercerá una influencia deflacionaria sobre Europa y el resto del mundo. La política prescrita por los distintos partidos que concurren a las elecciones de septiembre no necesariamente resultará en leyes nuevas que reviertan los problemas de bajo capex y baja inversión TIC. Los Verdes empeorarán la sobre-regulación de la economía. Salvo una revolución política que tenga éxito en todos sus objetivos (tarea difícil), podemos esperar más de lo mismo para Alemania —es decir, una economía en declive lento. Gráfico 25 Demasiados ahorros, no suficientes inversiones Demasiado ahorro, no suficientes inversiones Demasiado ahorro, no suficientes inversiones Gráfico 26 Alemania destaca en energía renovable Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Dicho esto, existen algunos puntos brillantes. Alemania se está convirtiendo en líder en energías renovables y puede capitalizar la ampliación de esta tendencia para ampliar su mercado de exportación (Gráfico 26). Implicaciones para la inversión Mercados de bonos La perspectiva económica para Alemania y la eurozona en su conjunto es consistente con infraponderar los bunds alemanes dentro de las carteras de renta fija europeas. Los bunds se encuentran entre los mercados de bonos más caros del mundo, lo que los hará extremadamente vulnerables a sorpresas económicas positivas en Europa a finales de este año, especialmente si la política fiscal alemana se relaja más tras las elecciones de septiembre (Gráfico 27). Además, una política fiscal alemana más laxa debería ayudar a los bonos periféricos europeos, especialmente a los baratos BTP italianos que el BCE actualmente compra agresivamente. Por tanto, continuamos sobreponderando BTPs y añadimos bonos griegos y portugueses a la lista. Gráfico 27 Los bunds alemanes son caros Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Gráfico 28 Los rendimientos alemanes ya incorporan bastante pesimismo sobre Europa Los rendimientos alemanes ya incorporan bastante pesimismo sobre Europa. Los rendimientos alemanes ya incorporan bastante pesimismo sobre Europa. En relación con los bonos del Tesoro de EE. UU., las perspectivas para los bunds son más complejas. Por un lado, el BCE no endurecerá la política tanto como la Fed más adelante en este ciclo; además, es probable que la inflación europea permanezca por debajo de los niveles de EE. UU. este año y a lo largo del ciclo económico. Por otro lado, los bunds ya incorporan una prima de término y una proxy de tasa terminal real significativamente más baja que los Treasury Notes (Gráfico 28). En balance, el servicio de Estrategia Global de Renta Fija de BCA Research considera que los bunds deberían rendir mejor que los Treasurys este año, porque tienen una beta más baja, que es una característica valiosa en un entorno de aumento de rendimientos.6 Vigilaremos de cerca los riesgos alrededor de esta visión, porque es probable que la recuperación económica europea sea el catalizador para la próxima subida de rendimientos globales, caso en el que los bunds alemanes podrían temporalmente tener un rendimiento inferior. En términos estructurales, mientras no se aborden los problemas de productividad de Alemania desde Berlín, los bunds alemanes probablemente seguirán siendo un ancla para los rendimientos globales. Alemania permanecerá inundada de ahorros excedentes, que actuarán como un ancla deflacionario, a la vez que limitarán el alza a largo plazo de las tasas reales europeas. Los ahorros excedentes resultan en un gran superávit por cuenta corriente; así, Alemania continuará exportando sus ahorros al extranjero y actuará como un factor que contenga los rendimientos globales. El euro La perspectiva a medio plazo apunta a una apreciación significativa del euro. Nuestra expectativa de una sorpresa positiva de crecimiento europea y alemana en los próximos 12 meses es coherente con una mejoría del euro. El hecho de que los inversores hayan estado moviendo fondos fuera de la Eurozona hacia EE. UU. a un ritmo casi constante durante los últimos 10 años sólo da credibilidad a este argumento (Gráfico 29). Nuestra visión sobre la política fiscal alemana contribuye al brillo del euro. Mayores déficits presupuestarios alemanes ayudan a la actividad económica europea y reducen las primas de riesgo en la Eurozona. Este proceso es doblemente positivo para el euro. Primero, menores primas de riesgo en la periferia invitan a entradas de capital hacia la eurozona, especialmente porque los rendimientos griegos, portugueses, italianos o españoles ofrecen mejor valor que las alternativas. Segundo, un crecimiento más fuerte y primas de riesgo más bajas alivian la presión sobre el BCE como único reflacionador de la Eurozona. En el margen, este proceso debería impulsar la proxy de tasa terminal extremadamente deprimida para Europa y ayudar al EUR/USD. La robusta actividad económica global añade atractivo al euro, más allá de las fuerzas nacionales positivas en juego en Europa. El dólar es una moneda contracíclica; por tanto, los repuntes del ciclo económico global coinciden con un dólar débil, lo que aumenta el atractivo de EUR/USD. No obstante, si el impulso del crecimiento global emana de EE. UU., entonces el dólar puede fortalecerse. Este fenómeno estuvo en juego en el primer trimestre de 2021. Sin embargo, el liderazgo del crecimiento global está llamado a alejarse de EE. UU. en los próximos 12 meses, lo que implica que la relación inversa normal entre el dólar y el crecimiento global se reasentará en beneficio del euro. La dinámica europea de la balanza de pagos consolidará la atracción del euro. El superávit por cuenta corriente de Alemania y de la Eurozona seguirá siendo amplio, especialmente en comparación con el déficit gemelo en expansión que afecta a EE. UU. Más allá de los próximos 12 a 24 meses, la falta de vigor estructural de la economía alemana y europea probablemente moverá al euro hacia una moneda refugio, como el yen y el franco suizo. Una fuerte balanza de pagos y bajos tipos de interés (todos síntomas de ahorros excedentes) son las características definitorias de las monedas de financiación, y serán atributos permanentes de la zona euro si las reformas no abordan su malestar de productividad. La posición internacional neta de la Eurozona ya está aumentando y su baja inflación dará un sesgo al alza estructural a las estimaciones de paridad de poder adquisitivo del euro (Gráfico 30). Esos desarrollos ya han sido evidentes en Japón y Suiza, y probablemente extinguirán la prociclicidad del euro con el paso del tiempo. Gráfico 29 Los inversores ya infraponderan activos europeos Los inversores ya están infraponderados en activos europeos Los inversores ya están infraponderados en activos europeos Gráfico 30 Sesgo al alza en el valor justo del euro Sesgo Alcista En El Valor Razonable Del Euro Sesgo Alcista En El Valor Razonable Del Euro Gráfico 31 Alemania no ha superado al resto de la Eurozona Alemania no ha superado al resto de la eurozona Alemania no ha superado al resto de la eurozona Acciones alemanas En términos absolutos, el DAX y las acciones alemanas aún poseen un amplio potencial alcista en los próximos 12 a 24 meses. BCA Research mantiene una postura positiva sobre las acciones, y un mercado de alta beta como Alemania puede beneficiarse.7 Además, la elevada sensibilidad de las acciones alemanas a la actividad económica global acentúa su atractivo. A BCA Research le gustan las acciones europeas, y las alemanas no son la excepción.8 La cuestión más compleja es cómo posicionar las acciones alemanas dentro de una cartera de acciones europea. Tras un rendimiento masivo entre 2003 y 2012, las acciones alemanas se han movido en línea con el resto de la Eurozona desde entonces (Gráfico 31). Además, las acciones alemanas ahora cotizan con descuento en todos los principales indicadores de valoración respecto al resto de la Eurozona (Gráfico 31, panel inferior). Las fuerzas macro globales que dictan las perspectivas de las acciones alemanas respecto al resto de la Eurozona envían actualmente mensajes contradictorios. Por un lado, las acciones alemanas normalmente superan cuando suben los precios de las materias primas o cuando el euro se aprecia (Gráfico 32). Por otro lado, sin embargo, las acciones alemanas también rinden menos cuando suben los rendimientos globales, o tras periodos en los que caen las reservas excedentes de China, como estamos presenciando hoy. Con esta falta de claridad de las fuerzas globales, la respuesta a la pregunta sobre el rendimiento relativo de Alemania yace en la dinámica económica europea. Alemania está perdiendo competitividad respecto al resto de la Eurozona (Gráfico 24 página 22), lo que sugiere que las acciones alemanas se beneficiarán menos que sus pares de un euro más fuerte en comparación con su desempeño en la última década. Además, las acciones alemanas baten cuando el PMI manufacturero alemán sube respecto al del conjunto de la eurozona. La brecha entre el PMI manufacturero de Alemania y el de la eurozona está cercana a máximos históricos y es probable que se reduzca a medida que el resto de la Eurozona se ponga al día. Esto debería influir en el desempeño de las acciones alemanas (Gráfico 33). Gráfico 32 Antecedentes globales mixtos para el rendimiento relativo de Alemania Panorama Global Mixto Para el Rendimiento Relativo de Alemania Panorama Global Mixto Para el Rendimiento Relativo de Alemania Gráfico 33 Una recuperación económica europea perjudicaría a las acciones alemanas Una recuperación económica europea perjudicaría a las acciones alemanas Una recuperación económica europea perjudicaría a las acciones alemanas Finalmente, la dinámica sectorial puede ser el árbitro definitivo. La Tabla 4 destaca la limitada diferencia en ponderaciones sectoriales entre Alemania y el resto de la Eurozona, lo que ayuda a explicar la estabilidad en el rendimiento relativo durante los últimos nueve años. Sin embargo, la varianza es mayor entre Alemania y naciones europeas específicas. En este enfoque, la postura negativa de BCA sobre las acciones de crecimiento se correlaciona con una sobreponderación de Alemania respecto a los Países Bajos. Además, nuestra perspectiva positiva sobre los financieros y los rendimientos de los bonos sugiere que Alemania debería tener un rendimiento inferior respecto a las acciones italianas y españolas. Tabla 4 Desglose sectorial en las principales bolsas europeas Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Mathieu Savary, Chief European Investment Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com Apéndice: compromisos globales de política climática Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Vientos de cambio: Alemania se vuelve verde Notas a pie de página 1 Véase Matthew Karnitschnig, "Los conservadores alemanes atrapados en ‘el pantano’," Politico, 24 de marzo de 2021, politico.eu. 2 Los Verdes están interesados en una gama de impuestos, incluido un impuesto al carbono, un impuesto sobre servicios digitales y un impuesto sobre transacciones financieras. También les interesan las cuotas industriales que exigirían a los fabricantes de acero y de automóviles vender cierta proporción de acero neutro en carbono y vehículos eléctricos. Véase una excelente entrevista con la Sra. Baerbock en Ileana Grabitz y Katharina Schuler, "No tengo que convertir al conductor de SUV en Prenzlauer Berg," Zeit Online, 2 de enero de 2020, zeit.de. 3 Véanse sus comentarios a Zeit Online. 4 Véase el Panorama de la estrategia de inversión global de BCA Research "Panorama de estrategia del segundo trimestre de 2021: ¿Viene la inflación?", fechado el 26 de marzo de 2021, disponible en gis.bcareseach.com. 5 Véase el Informe Especial de Estrategia de Inversión Europea de BCA Research "Un desacoplamiento temporal", fechado el 5 de abril de 2021, disponible en eis.bcareseach.com. 6 Véase el Informe de Estrategia de Renta Fija Global de BCA Research "Más duro, mejor, más rápido, más fuerte", fechado el 16 de marzo de 2021, disponible en gfis.bcareseach.com. 7 Véase el Panorama de la estrategia de renta global de BCA Research "Panorama de estrategia del segundo trimestre de 2021: ¿Viene la inflación?", fechado el 26 de marzo de 2021, disponible en gis.bcareseach.com. 8 Véase el Informe de Estrategia de Renta Europea de BCA Research "Tiempo y atracción", fechado el 12 de abril de 2021, disponible en eis.bcareseach.com.

Highlights Biden will host a global summit for Earth Day on April 22-23, giving public attention to his climate change policy push. Investors should count on Biden’s green infrastructure package becoming the bulk of his climate push, given uncertainty over the 2022 midterm elections. However, over the long run, American public opinion is shifting in favor of renewables and the US will seek to maintain its technological edge via participating in the green tech race. Go long our “Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket” versus the Nasdaq 100.  Feature The Biden administration’s $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan is often referred to as a “green infrastructure” package and in this report we take a look at what makes it green – and what are the investment implications. Biden will virtually host a global climate summit on April 22-23, Earth Day, which the Chinese President Xi Jinping is expected to attend, thus providing momentum to the green investment theme. The stock market anticipated Biden’s electoral victory last year and renewable energy stocks rallied exorbitantly, with ultra-easy monetary and fiscal policy as a fundamental support. The market’s reaction to Biden’s official outline of his plan last month suggests that investors are energized about Biden’s infrastructure package but already suffering from some green fatigue (Chart 1). However, this bill’s passage will initiate the US’s official entrance into the global green energy race and from that point of view renewable plays should recover. Once the American Jobs Plan passes, likely sometime this fall, Biden’s climate agenda will be virtually finished, from an investment perspective. Investors have little visibility beyond 2022 as the president’s party rarely hangs onto the House of Representatives in his first midterm election. However, over the long run, American public opinion is shifting in favor of renewable energy. And Biden also has regulatory tools to push the Democratic Party’s climate agenda from 2022-24 regardless. Chart 1Biden's AJP Already Priced Chart 2Biden’s First Budget: Boom In Non-Defense Discretionary Spending Biden’s first presidential budget, released on April 13, also highlights the US’s attempt to boost climate policy (the Environmental Protection Agency’s funding would go up by 21%). More broadly it highlights the US’s ongoing sea change in fiscal policy. Discretionary spending turned around under President Trump’s populism and will continue under Biden’s populism. The difference lies in social spending versus defense. Biden proposes a 15.2% increase in non-defense discretionary spending, with education, commerce, health, and environment while the departments of defense and justice see much smaller increases (Chart 2). But we doubt that even defense spending will be curtailed given the US’s global strategic challenges. The president’s budget proposals are drops in the bucket compared to the trillions in his economic stimulus packages. Biden’s American Family Plan will be outlined in detail later this month but it only has a 50/50 chance of passing by the 2022 midterm election. This leaves us with the American Jobs Plan as the real macro policy factor to watch. And in the case of green energy, in particular, the Democrats may not have another opportunity to pass major legislation for many years. The US’s Strategic Basis For Green Energy The American Jobs Plan is billed as a $2.3 trillion green infrastructure package but in reality the package should be broken into traditional infrastructure ($784 billion for roads and bridges), social welfare ($647 billion  for elderly care, education, etc), green initiatives ($370 billion for electrical grid and retrofits, etc), tech initiatives ($280 billion for broadband, semiconductors, research and development), and small business support, in order of dollar value (Chart 3). The implication is that climate policy is important but not the top priority. Still, $370 billion is the biggest green package the US has ever launched. It consists of $150 billion for “hard” green infrastructure, such as new electricity grid and $220 billion for “soft” green infrastructure, such as tax credits for buying EVs (Chart 4). Chart 3Biden’s AJP: Green Initiatives Total $370 Billion Chart 4Biden’s AJP: Green Initiatives Mostly Rebates/Incentive The US has moved slowly on green energy policy – relative to Europe or China – because it does not face the same strategic necessity. China faces domestic social unrest if it does not reduce pollution, it faces American strategic containment if it does not reduce its dependency on the Middle East (35% of total oil consumption), and it faces the middle-income trap if it does not increase innovation and productivity. Europe is similarly dependent on a geopolitical enemy for its energy supply – Russia provides 35% of its oil consumption and 38% of its natural gas – and it must also increase productivity. Europe and China are net energy importers who have a great strategic interest in making energy supply a matter of manufacturing prowess rather than divine natural resource endowment (Chart 5). The US is late to the green energy game in part because it does not share the same degree of strategic necessity. Like the EU, the US took care of its most pressing pollution problems decades ago. But unlike the EU, the US is a net energy exporter thanks to the fracking revolution. However, the US is not truly energy independent – an Iranian closure of the Strait of Hormuz would cause global oil prices to spike and trigger a recession. And the US also has a powerful strategic interest in maintaining its global leadership and its edge in technology, innovation, and productivity (Chart 6). The US cannot afford to miss out on the green tech race even if starting from a more secure natural resource base. Chart 5US Green Focus Less Motivated By Energy Security Than China, EU US public opinion is also following European opinion regarding climate change and environmental protection. True, voters are more urgently concerned about the economy, jobs, and health care over the environment – as we showed in our Special Report on health care earlier this year. But the administration has decided not to rehash the health care battles of the Obama administration – having seen Republicans fail to repeal Obamacare – and instead to open up a new policy domain with climate change. Even if the environment is low priority for most voters, they do not oppose green projects in principle – in fact, they favor renewable energy over fossil fuels when it comes to the US’s energy future (Chart 7). And voters strongly favor infrastructure, which means they are more susceptible to green energy projects when presented as part of a broader infrastructure buildout – as opposed to a transformative “Green New Deal” designed to revolutionize every aspect of US life. Chart 6US Green Focus Motivated By Global Innovation/Tech Race Chart 7US Public Supports Renewable Energy The US shift to green energy is well underway, with renewables ready to surpass coal in the national energy mix (Chart 8). The natural gas boom of the past decade has worked wonders in reducing coal dependency and hence overall carbon emissions (Chart 9). Chart 8Shift To Renewables Well Underway Chart 9US Carbon Emissions To Fall Further Bottom Line: The US does not have the same energy security problems as China and the EU, which is one reason the US trails these competitors in green energy production and policy. But the US has a powerful interest in maintaining its technological edge and productivity growth. So policymakers will continue to push the green agenda even as the public follows Europe in becoming more favorable toward it over the long run. US Climate Policy Will Advance In Fits And Starts The fact that the US lacks the same strategic urgency as Europe and China suggests that the green energy push in the US will progress in fits and starts rather than in a straight line. Popular opinion cited above is supportive enough to allow a political party to push a green agenda if it has control of both the White House and Congress. The Biden administration has moderate-to-strong political capital based on our Political Capital Index (Appendix). But this could change with the next election, which would introduce a ruffle in the current narrative in which Biden saves planet earth. One factor that helps Biden is that his presidency is entirely about economic stimulus and recovery, which enables him to minimize the regulatory and punitive side of his party’s energy agenda. While the American Jobs Plan includes corporate tax hikes, his climate policy in itself is all about spending rather than taxation. There is no carbon pricing scheme anywhere to be seen. And Biden’s Transportation Secretary, Pete Buttigieg (“Mayor Pete,” a center-left politician from Indiana), immediately reversed his recent suggestion that the government levy a gasoline tax or vehicle mileage tax. Biden cannot get any revolutionary green measures passed through the Senate, given that moderate Democrats like Senators Joe Manchin of West Virginia and John Tester of Montana hail from coal-heavy states. The Democrats must also pay heed to the swing states for future elections. Biden only narrowly won his home state of Pennsylvania, after pledging to phase out oil and natural gas in the last presidential debate. True, Biden’s American Jobs Plan will remove subsidies for the oil and gas sector – but these subsidies are not very large. Notably, subsidies for renewables already overwhelm those for traditional infrastructure, even under the Trump administration (Chart 10). Chart 10Subsidy Reform Will Promote Renewables Chart 11Green Policy At Risk In 2022 Midterm These points underscore the fact that US climate policy is uncertain over the medium term, when the pandemic fades and the Democrats attempt more ambitious climate proposals. The Republican Party supports the traditional energy sector and is skeptical about climate change. The GOP could easily make a net gain of five seats in the 2022 midterm elections and take back control of the House of Representatives. They would not be able to repeal Biden’s laws or regulations, given his veto and likely Democratic majority in the Senate, but they would be able to pare back green funding. Republicans are not uniform on the issue of climate but more than half of Trump supporters in 2020 considered climate change unimportant. Young party members, moderates, and women were more split on the issue, with 60% of moderate Republicans viewing climate change as somewhat or very important (Chart 11). The takeaway is that Republicans would obstruct but not repeal future climate policy. Climate policy would be limited to Biden’s regulations until at least 2024. Hence investors can expect US climate policy to plow forward in the short run but to encounter resistance in the medium run. This is also likely to be the case as various other crises will emerge and soak up government attention and resources (most likely geopolitical conflicts). Chart 12Green Policy More Likely Over Long Term Over the long run climate policy will have more reliable support. Younger Republicans support federal environmental policy more than their elders, are increasingly favorable toward government regulation to that end, and prefer renewables to fossil fuels (Chart 12). The millennials and younger generations will make up more than half of the electorate by around 2028. Even then the government’s focus on climate will wax and wane given the other pressing matters of the day. Investment Takeaways A tsunami of money has been created, a lot of it is finding its way into the stock market, and a lot of it is finding its way into green and sustainable energy companies – companies that now have a privileged position in terms of both government support and conspicuous consumption. Combine this with a tidal wave of institutional funds pouring into anything and everything labeled ESG (environmental, social, and governance) – and the stigma attached to climate skepticism and denialism – and investors should fully expect irrational exuberance and stock bubbles. Consider the US’s premier EV maker, Tesla. The vertical run-up in Tesla stock has occurred alongside the run-up in US money supply. Tesla’s price trend conforms with the profile of a range of stock market bubbles of the past (Chart 13), as shown by our US Equity Strategy. Chart 13ALow Rates And Vast Money Growth... Chart 13B...Will Fuel Green Bubble That being said, renewables stocks surged throughout 2020 on the back of stimulus and Biden’s likely election – and have since fallen back. They have underperformed cyclical and defensive sectors alike this year to date (Chart 14). As highlighted above, the Democrats’ climate ambitions could yet be pared back in the Senate. However, given the argument in this report, there is sufficient political capital for the climate provisions of the American Jobs Plan to pass. Renewable plays should recover, at least on a tactical, “buy the rumor, sell the news” basis. To play Biden’s American Jobs Plan, our US Equity Strategist Anastasios Avgeriou constructed a “Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket” comprising eight ETFs and one stock, all equal weighted (Chart 15, top panel). Instead of buying specific stocks, Anastasios opted for ETFs so as to diversify away company-specific risk. Chart 14Renewables Corrected But Will Recover Chart 15Introducing The Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket The goal was to filter for ETFs that hold mostly US companies and that offered the highest possible liquidity. From a portfolio construction perspective, he aimed to match the different spending segments of Biden’s White House proposal with an ETF. The ticker symbols included in the basket are: PAVE, PHO, QCLN, TAN, WOOD, SOXX, HAIL, GRID and SU. We choose SU as there is no pure play Canadian oil sands ETF trading in USD. Granted there is some replication of stocks included in these ETFs. In certain ETFs there is also a sizable international stock exposure, including EM and Chinese stocks. One final caveat is that these ETFs have a high concentration of technology stocks. Our sense is that this basket should outperform the S&P500 on a cyclical and structural basis albeit not tactically (Chart 15, middle panel). However, given the high-tech exposure, our preferred way to express this trade is via a long/short pair trade versus the QQQ high-tech ETF, which tracks the largest 100 companies on the Nasdaq stock exchange (Chart 15, bottom panel). Table 1 shows a number of related ETFs that did not make the cut but that readers may find intriguing and that deserve further research. Later this month we will publish a joint special report with our US Equity Strategy service, updating our views on Biden’s proposals and elaborating on this equity basket. Table 1Infrastructure and Renewables Related ETFs More broadly, US equities are still enjoying a positive cyclical backdrop, whereas the passage of the American Jobs Plan later this year has a 50% chance of marking peak stimulus (the American Families Plan may not pass). Tactically, however, we are more cautious. There are also several pronounced foreign policy stress tests facing the Biden administration imminently, including serious Russia/Ukraine, Israel/Iran, and China/Taiwan saber-rattling that we fully expect to engender volatility and safe-haven flows. At least one FOMC member, Saint Louis Fed President Jim Bullard, is now openly thinking about thinking about the Fed’s tapering asset purchases – that is, once the US vaccination rate reaches 75%. Our US Investment Strategy recently showed that this rate of vaccination could be reached as early as September.     Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Anastasios Avgeriou US Equity Strategist anastasios@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1Political Risk Matrix Table A2Political Capital Index Table A3APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Table A3BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Table A3CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Table A4Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments

Highlights Continued upgrades to global economic growth – most recently by the IMF this week –will support higher natgas prices.  In our estimation, gas for delivery at Henry Hub, LA, in the coming withdrawal season (November – March) is undervalued at current levels at ~ $2.90/MMBtu. Inventory demand will remain strong during the current April-October injection season, following the blast of colder-than-normal weather in 1Q21 that pulled inventories lower in the US, Europe and Northeast Asia. The odds the US will succeed in halting completion of the final leg of the Russian Nord Stream 2 natural gas pipeline into Germany are higher than the consensus expectation.  Our odds the pipeline will not be completed this year stand at 50%, which translates into higher upside risk for natural gas prices.  We are getting long 1Q22 calls on CME/NYMEX Henry Hub-delivered natgas futures struck at $3.50/MMBtu vs. short 1Q22 $3.75/MMBtu calls at tonight's close.  The probability of Nord Stream 2 cancellation is underpriced, which means European TTF and Asian JKM prices will have to move higher to attract LNG cargoes next winter from the US, if the pipeline is cancelled (Chart of the Week). Feature As major forecasting agencies continue to upgrade global growth prospects, expectations for industrial-commodity demand – energy, bulks, and base metals – also are moving higher. This week, the IMF raised its growth expectations for this year and next to 6% and 4.4%, respectively, nearly a full percentage-point increase versus its January forecast update for 2021.1 This upgrade follows a similar move by the OECD last month.2 In the US, the EIA is expecting industrial demand for natural gas to rise 1.35 Bcf/d this year to 23.9 Bcf/d; versus 2019 levels, industrial demand will be 0.84 Bcf/d higher in 2021. For 2022, industrial demand is expected to be 24.2 Bcf/d. US industrial demand likely will recover faster than the EU's, given the expectation of a stronger recovery on the back of massive fiscal and monetary stimulus. Overall natgas demand in the US likely will move lower this year, given higher natgas prices expected this year and next will incentivize electricity generators to switch to coal at the margin, according to the EIA. Total demand is expected to be 82.9 Bcf/d in the US this year vs. 83.3 Bcf/d last year, owing to lower generator demand. Pipeline-quality gas output in the US – known as dry gas, since its liquids have been removed for other uses – is expected to average 91.4 Bcf/d this year, essentially unchanged. Lower consumption by the generators and flat production will allow US gas inventories to return to their five-year average levels of 3.7 Tcf by the end of October, in the EIA's estimation (Chart 2). Chart of the WeekUS-Russia Geopolitical Risk Underpriced Chart 2US Natgas Inventories Return To Five-Year Average US Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) exports are likely to expand, as Asian and European demand grows (Chart 3). Prior to the boost in US LNG demand from colder weather, exports set monthly records of 9.4 Bcf/d and 9.8 Bcf/d in November and December of last year, respectively, with Asia accounting for the largest share of exports (Chart 4). This also marked the first time LNG exports exceeded US pipeline exports to Mexico and Canada. The EIA is forecasting US LNG exports will be 8.5 bcf/d and 9.2 Bcf/d this year and next, versus pipeline exports of 8.8 Bcf/d and 8.9 Bcf/d in 2021 and 2022, respectively. Chart 3US LNG Exports Continue Growing Chart 4US LNG Exports Set Records In November And December 2020 US LNG exports – and export potential given the size of the resource base at just over 500 Tcf – now are of a sufficient magnitude to be a formidable force in global markets, particularly in Europe. This puts it in direct conflict with Russia, which has targeted Europe as a key market for its pipeline natural gas exports. US-Russia Standoff Looming Over Nord Stream 2 Given the size and distribution of global oil and gas production and consumption, it comes as no surprise national interests can, at times, become as important to pricing these commodities as supply-demand fundamentals. This is particularly true in oil, and increasingly is becoming the case in natural gas. That the same dramatis personae – the US and Russia – should feature in geopolitical contests in oil and gas markets also should not come as a surprise. In an attempt to circumvent transporting its natural gas through Ukraine, Russia is building a 1,230 km underwater pipeline from Narva Bay in the Kingisepp district of the Leningrad region of Russia to Lubmin, near Greifswald, in Germany (Map 1). The Biden administration, like the Trump administration and US Congress, is officially attempting to halt the final leg of the pipeline from being built, although Biden has not yet put America’s full weight into stopping it. Biden claims it will be up to the Europeans to decide what to do. At the same time, any major Russian or Russian-backed military operation in Ukraine could trigger an American action to halt the pipeline in retaliation. Map 1Nord Stream 2 Route In our estimation, there is a 50% chance that the Nord Stream 2 natural gas pipeline will not be completed this year or go into operation as planned given substantial geopolitical risks. The $11 billion pipeline would connect Russia directly to Germany with a capacity of about 55 billion cubic meters, which, combined with the existing Nord Stream One pipeline, would equal 110 BCM in offshore capacity, or 55% of Russia's natural gas exports to Europe in 2019. The pipeline’s construction is 94% complete, with the Russian ship Akademik Cherskiy entering Danish waters in late March to begin laying pipes to finish the final 138-kilometer stretch, according to Reuters. The pipeline could be finished in early August at the pace of 1 kilometer per day.3 The Russian and German governments are speeding up the project to finish it before US-Russia tensions, or the German elections in September, interrupt the construction process again. It is not too late for the US to try to halt the pipeline through sanctions. But for the Americans to succeed, the Biden administration would have to make an aggressive effort. Notably the Biden administration took office with a desire to sharpen US policy toward Russia.4 While Biden seeks Russian engagement on arms reduction treaties and the Iranian nuclear negotiations, he mainly aims to counter Russia, expand sanctions, provide weapons to Ukraine, and promote democracy in Russia’s sphere of influence. The result will almost inevitably be a new US-Russia confrontation, which is already taking shape over Russia’s buildup of troops on the border with Ukraine, where US and Russian meddling could cause civil war to reignite (Map 2). Map 2Russia’s Military Tensions With The West Escalate In Wake Of Biden’s Election And Ukraine’s Renewed Bid To Join NATO Tensions in Ukraine are directly tied to US military cooperation with Ukraine and any possibility that Ukraine will join the NATO military alliance, a red line for Putin. Nord Stream 2 is Russia’s way of bypassing Ukraine but a new US-Russia conflict, especially a Russian attack on Ukraine, would halt the pipeline. The pipeline’s completion would improve Russo-German strategic relations, undercut US liquefied natural gas exports to Germany and the EU, and reduce the US’s and eastern Europe’s leverage over Russia (and Germany). Biden says his administration is planning to impose new sanctions on firms that oversee, construct, or insure the pipeline, and such sanctions are required under American law.5 Yet Biden also wants a strong alliance with Germany, which favors the pipeline and does not want to escalate the conflict with Russia. The American laws against Nord Stream have big loopholes and give the president discretion regarding the use of sanctions, which means Biden would have to make a deliberate decision to override Germany and impose maximum sanctions if he truly wanted to halt construction.6 This would most likely occur if Russia committed a major new act of aggression in Ukraine or against other European democracies. The German policy, under the current ruling coalition led by Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union, is to finish the pipeline despite Russia’s conflicts with the West and political repression at home. Russia provides more than a third of Germany’s natural gas imports and this pipeline would bypass eastern Europe’s pipeline network and thus secure Germany’s (and Austria’s and the EU’s) natural gas supply whenever Russia cuts off the flow to Ukraine (through which roughly 40% of Russian natural gas still must pass to reach Europe). Germany's Election And Natgas Politics Germany wants to use natural gas as a bridge while it phases out nuclear energy and coal. Natural gas has grown 2.2 percentage points as a share of Germany’s total energy mix since the Fukushima disaster of 2011, and renewable energy has grown 7.7ppt, while coal has fallen 7.3ppt and nuclear has fallen 2.5ppt (Chart 5). The German federal election on September 26 complicates matters because Merkel and the Christian Democrats are likely to underperform their opinion polls and could even fall from power. They do not want to suffer a major foreign policy humiliation at the hands of the Americans or a strategic crisis with Russia right before the election. They will insist that Biden leave the pipeline alone and will offer other forms of cooperation against Russia in compensation. Therefore, the current German government could push through the pipeline and complete the project even in the face of US objections. But this outcome is not guaranteed. The German Greens are likely to gain influence in the Bundestag after the elections and could even lead the German government for the first time – and they are opposed to a new fossil fuel pipeline that increases Russia’s influence. Chart 5Germany Sees Nord Stream 2 Gas As Bridge To Low-Carbon Economy Hence there is a fair chance that the pipeline does not become operational: either Americans halt it out of strategic interest, or the German Greens halt it out of environmental and strategic interest, or both. True, there is a roughly equal chance that Merkel’s policy status quo survives in Germany, which would result in an operational pipeline. The best case for Germany might be that the current government completes the pipeline physically but the next government has optionality on whether to make it operational. But 50/50 odds of cancellation is a much higher risk than the consensus holds. The Russian policy is to finish Nord Stream 2 while also making an aggressive military stance against the West’s and NATO’s influence in Ukraine. This would expand Russian commodity and energy exports and undercut Ukraine’s natgas transit income. It would also increase Russian leverage over Germany – and it would divide Germany from the eastern Europeans and Americans. A preemptive American intervention would elicit Russian retaliation. The Russians could respond in the strategic sphere or the economic sphere. Economically they could react by cutting off natural gas to Europe, but that would undermine their diplomatic goals, so they would more likely respond by increasing production of natural gas or crude oil to steal American market share. In any scenario Russian retaliation would likely cause global price volatility in one or more energy markets, in addition to whatever volatility is induced by the cancellation of Nord Stream 2 itself. US-Russia tensions are likely to escalate but only Ukraine and Nord Stream 2, or the separate Iranian negotiations, have a direct impact on global energy supply. If Germany goes forward with the pipeline, then Russia would need to be countered by other means. The Americans, not the Germans, would provide these “other means,” such as military support to ensure the integrity of Ukraine and other nations’ borders. The Russians may gain a victory for their energy export strategy but they will never compromise on Ukraine and they will still need to focus on the broader global shift to renewable energy, which threatens their economic model and hence ultimately their regime stability. So, the risk of a market-moving US-Russia conflict can be delayed but probably not prevented (Chart 6). Chart 6US-Russia Conflit Likely Bottom Line: The Nord Stream 2 pipeline is not guaranteed to be completed this year as planned. The US is more likely to force a halt to the Nord Stream 2 pipeline than the consensus holds, especially if Russia attacks Ukraine. If the US fails to do so, then the German election will become the next signpost for whether the pipeline will become operational. If the Americans halt the pipeline, then US-Russian conflict either already erupted or will occur sooner rather than later and will likely impact global oil or natural gas prices. Investment Implications Our subjective assessment of 50% odds the US will succeed in halting completion of the final leg of Nord Stream 2 are higher than the consensus expectation. This translates directly into higher upside risk for natural gas prices in the US and Europe later this year and next. Given our view, we are getting long 1Q22 calls on CME/NYMEX Henry Hub-delivered natgas futures struck at $3.50/MMBtu vs. short 1Q22 $3.75/MMBtu calls at tonight's close. The probability of Nord Stream 2 cancellation is underpriced, which means the odds of higher prices in the LNG market are underpriced (Chart 7). The immediate implication of our view is European TTF prices will have to move higher to attract LNG cargoes next winter from the US, if the Nord Stream 2 pipeline's final leg is cancelled. This also would tighten the Asian markets, causing the JKM to move higher as well (Chart 8). Any indication of colder-than-normal weather in the US, Europe or Asian markets would mean a sharper move higher. Chart 7Natgas Tails Are Too Narrow For Next Winter Chart 8Nord Stream 2 Cancellation Would Boost JKM Prices   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish The US and Iran began indirect talks earlier this week in Vienna aimed at restoring the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), otherwise known as the "Iran nuclear deal." All of the other parties of the deal – Britain, China, France, Germany and Russia – are in favor of restoring the deal. BCA Research believes this is most likely to occur prior to the inauguration of a new president who is expected to be a hardliner willing to escalate Iran’s demands. US President Biden can unilaterally ease sanctions and bring the US into compliance with the deal, and Iran could then reciprocate. If a deal is not reached by August it could take years to resolve US-Iran tensions. China could offer to cooperate on sanctions and help to broker negotiations following the signing of its 25-year trade deal with Iran last week. Russia likely would demand the US not pressure its allies to cancel the Nord Stream 2 deal, in return for its assistance in brokering a deal. Base Metals: Bullish Iron ore prices continue to be supported by record steel prices in China, trading at more than $173/MT earlier this week. Even though steel production reportedly is falling in the top steel-producer in China, Tangshan, as a result of anti-pollution measures, for iron ore remains stout. As we have previously noted, we use steel prices as a leading indicator for copper prices. We remain long Dec21 copper and will be looking for a sell-off to get long Sep21 copper vs. short Sep21 copper if the market trades below $4/lb on the CME/COMEX futures market (Chart 9). Precious Metals: Bullish Gold held support ~ $1,680/oz at the end of March, following an earlier test in the month. We remain long the yellow metal, despite coming close to being stopped out last week (Chart 10). The earlier sell-off appeared to be caused by a need to raise liquidity to us. We continue to expect the Fed to hold firm to its stated intent to wait for actual inflation to become manifest before raising rates, and, therefore, continue to expect real rates to weaken. This will be supportive of gold and commodities generally (Chart 10). Ags/Softs: Neutral Corn continues to be well supported above $5.50/bu, following last week's USDA report showing farmers intend to increase acreage planted to just over 91mm acres, which is less than 1% above last year's level. Chart 9 Chart 10       Footnotes 1     Please see the Fund's April 2021 forecast Managing Divergent Recoveries. 2     We noted last week these higher growth expectations generally are bullish for industrial commodities – energy, metals, and bulks.  Please see Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals, which we published 1 April 2021.  It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3    For the rate of construction see Margarita Assenova, “Clouds Darkening Over Nord Stream Two Pipeline,” Eurasia Daily Monitor 18: 17 (February 1, 2021), Jamestown Foundation, jamestown.org. For the current status, see Robin Emmott, “At NATO, Blinken warns Germany over Nord Stream 2 pipeline,” Reuters, March 23, 2021, reuters.com. 4    The Democratic Party blames Russia for what it sees as a campaign to undermine the democratic West and recreate the Soviet sphere of influence. See for example the 2008 invasion of Georgia, the failure of the Obama administration’s 2009-11 diplomatic “reset,” the Edward Snowden affair, the seizure of Crimea and civil war in Ukraine, the survival of Syria’s dictator, and Russian interference in US elections in 2016 and 2020. 5    The Countering Russian Influence in Europe and Eurasia Act of 2017, and the Protecting Europe’s Energy Security Act of 2019/2020, contain provisions requiring sanctions on firms that have contributed in any way a minimum of $1 million to the project, or provide pipe-laying services or insurance. There are exceptions for services provided by the governments of the EU member states, Norway, Switzerland, or the UK. The president has discretion over the implementation of sanctions as usual. 6    The German state of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern is creating a shell foundation to enable the completion of the pipeline. It can shield companies from American sanctions aimed at private companies, not sovereigns.    Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Summary of Closed Trades