Elections
Highlights Global Duration: US Treasury yields have started to creep higher and the move is likely to continue in the coming months regardless of who wins the White House. Reduce overall global duration exposure to below-benchmark, focused on the US. Country Allocation: Based on our view that US Treasury yields have more upside, we are making the following changes to our recommended country allocations in the government bond portion of our model bond portfolio: downgrading the US to underweight, downgrading higher-beta Canada and Australia to neutral, and raising lower-beta Germany, France, Japan and the UK to overweight. Treasury-Bund Spread: We introduce a new trade in our Tactical Overlay to capitalize on our expectation of higher US bond yields and a wider Treasury-Bund spread: selling 10-year Treasury futures versus buying 10-year German bund futures. Feature In a Special Report jointly published last week with our colleagues at BCA Research US Bond Strategy, we laid out the case for why US Treasury yields have bottomed and should now begin to drift higher.1 We reached that conclusion for two reasons: 1) there will be a major US fiscal stimulus after the upcoming US election, especially so if Joe Biden becomes president and the Democrats take the Senate; and 2) the Fed’s shift to Average Inflation Targeting in late August represented the point of maximum Fed dovishness. The investment conclusions were to reduce duration exposure, while also downgrading our recommended allocation to US government bonds to underweight. We also advised cutting exposure to non-US government bond markets with relatively higher sensitivity to changes in US bond yields, while increasing allocations to countries with a lower “yield beta” to US Treasuries (Table 1). Table 1Updated GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Recommended Positioning In this follow-up report, we will further discuss the implications of our changed view on US yields for non-US developed market government bonds. This includes specific adjustments to the recommended country allocations in our model bond portfolio, as well as a new tactical trade to profit from a move higher in US yields that will not to be matched in Europe. Our Recommended Overall Duration Stance: Now Below-Benchmark The case for a future cyclical bottoming of global yields has been building for the past few months, even as yields have remained range-bound at very low levels across the developed economies. Our Global Duration Indicator, comprised of economic sentiment measures and leading economic indicators, bottomed back in March and has soared sharply since then (Chart of the Week). Given the usual lead time between peaks and troughs of the Indicator and global bond yields - around nine months, on average – that suggests yields should bottom out sometime before year-end. Chart of the WeekA Cyclical, US-Led Bottoming Of Global Bond Yields Chart 2UST Yields About To Break Out? In the US, we now think we are past that point, as we discussed last week. The 10-year US Treasury yield has been drifting higher during the month of October and is now bumping up against its 200-day moving average of 0.83% (Chart 2). This is only the first such attempt at a trend breakout in yields, and such a move is unlikely prior to US Election Day - or, more accurately, “US Election Is Decided Day” which may not be November 3! The case for a future cyclical bottoming of global yields has been building for the past few months, even as yields have remained range-bound. Outside the US, however, momentum of bond yields and potential trend breakouts paint a more mixed picture. German and French bond yields remain stable and generally trendless, with Italian and Spanish yields continuing to grind lower. At the same time, yields in the UK, Canada and Australia have started to perk up but remain just below their 200-day moving averages. Bond yields have not responded to the sharp cyclical rebound across the developed world, with large gaps between elevated manufacturing PMIs and stagnant bond yields (Chart 3). Low inflation, ample spare economic capacity and dovish monetary policies are all playing a role, with bond markets not expecting an imminent inflation surge that could drive up yields and fuel expectations of tighter monetary policy. By way of contrast, China - where domestic services sectors have improved at a rapid pace from the COVID-19 recession and where the central bank is not running an overly accommodative monetary policy – has seen a more typical positive correlation between government bond yields and the rising manufacturing PMI over the past several months (Chart 4). This suggests that developed market bond yields can begin to normalize if the domestic services side of those economies emerges more forcefully from the lockdown-induced downturn. Chart 3A Wide Gap Between Growth & Yields Chart 4Are Chinese Yields Sending A Message? The news on that front is more optimistic in the US compared in Europe. The Markit services PMIs for the euro area and UK have all weakened over the past few months, with headline inflation rates flirting with deflation (Chart 5). Similar data in the US has trended in the opposite direction, with stronger US services activity with rising inflation. Chart 5Deflation Risks In Europe, Not The US The pickup in new COVID-19 cases, and the degree of the response by governments to contain it, has been far stronger in Europe and the UK than in the US on a population-adjusted basis (Chart 6). Lockdowns have become more widespread across Europe to contain the second larger wave of the virus. The recent softer services PMI data in the euro area and UK are a reflection of those greater economic restrictions and weaker confidence. This gap between the US economy and non-US economies is only magnified by the fiscal stimulus measures proposed by both US presidential candidates. In the US, governments have been far less willing to implement politically unpopular restrictions in an election year, while lockdown-weary consumers have been more willing to go about their lives rather than stay sheltered at home. The result is a healthier tone to the US data compared to other countries, even with the number of new US cases on the rise again. This gap between the US economy and non-US economies is only magnified by the fiscal stimulus measures proposed by both US presidential candidates. As we discussed in last week’s Special Report, both the Biden and Trump platforms are calling for major fiscal stimulus – between $5-6 trillion over the next decade, including tax changes – although the Biden plan has much more front-loaded direct government spending, only partially offset by tax increases, if fully implemented. This is the “Blue Sweep” scenario, with a Biden victory and Democratic Party control of the US Congress, that is most bearish for US Treasuries, as the outcome would eventually help reduce the expected 2021 US fiscal drag of -7.2% of GDP as estimated by the latest IMF Fiscal Monitor (Chart 7). Even a re-elected Trump, however, would also mean more US fiscal stimulus, although with a mix of tax cuts and spending increases. Chart 6The Latest COVID-19 Wave Is Hitting Europe Harder Combined with an improving services sector and rising inflation, this puts the US in a much different economic position than the major economies of Europe. Chart 7Post-Election US Stimulus Will Offset Fiscal Drag There, the IMF is also projecting some fiscal drag in 2021, but now with a much less healthy domestic economy due to the COVID-19 surge and where inflation is already near 0%. Our decision to reduce our recommended overall global duration stance to below-benchmark is largely driven by trends in the US that are more bond-bearish than in the rest of the developed world. There will likely be another round of fiscal measures to help combat virus-stricken economies in Europe and elsewhere, but the US election is bringing the issue to the forefront more quickly. In other words, the US will get a more bond-bearish fiscal stimulus before Europe does. Bottom Line: US Treasury yields have started to creep higher and the move is likely to continue in the coming months regardless of who wins the White House. Reduce overall global duration exposure to below-benchmark, focused on the US. Our Recommended Country Allocation: Downgrade US, Upgrade Lower-Beta Countries Net-net, our decision to reduce our recommended overall global duration stance to below-benchmark is largely driven by trends in the US that are more bond-bearish than in the rest of the developed world. This also has implications for our recommend country allocation in our model bond portfolio. First, are downgrading our recommended US Treasury allocation to underweight. We are also increasing our desired weighting in countries where government bond yields are less sensitive to changes in US Treasury yields – especially during periods when the latter are rising. We call this “upside yield beta”. The countries that have the highest such beta to US Treasuries are Canada, Australia and New Zealand, making them downgrade candidates (Chart 8). Similarly, lower upside beta countries like Germany, France, Japan and the UK are upgrade possibilities. Chart 8Favor Countries With Lower Yield Betas To USTs Already, we are seeing the widening of yield spreads between US Treasuries and non-US government markets – with more to come as US Treasuries grind higher over the next 6-12 months. We see the greatest upside for spreads between the US and the low upside yield beta countries – that means wider spreads for US-Germany, US-France, US-Japan and US-UK (Chart 9). Chart 9Expect More Underperformance From USTs Chart 10Fed QE Momentum Peaking, Unlike Other CBs Thus, this week are making significant changes to our strategic government bond country allocations (see page 15), as well as the country weightings in our model bond portfolio (see pages 13-14), based on our new view on US bond yields and non-US yield betas. Specifically, we are not only cutting our recommended US weighting to underweight, but we are also downgrading Canada and Australia from overweight to neutral. On the other side, we are upgrading UK Gilts to overweight from neutral, while also upgrading Germany, France and Japan to overweight. Importantly, we are maintaining our overweight stance on Italian and Spanish sovereign debt, as those markets are supported by greater European fiscal policy integration in the world of COVID-19 and, just as importantly, large-scale ECB asset purchases. More generally, the relative “aggressiveness” of central bank quantitative easing (QE) does play a role in our recommended country allocation. We expect the Fed to be more tolerant of higher Treasury yields if the move is driven by improving US growth and/or greater US fiscal stimulus – as long as the higher yields were not having a negative impact on equity or credit markets. We expect the Fed to be more tolerant of higher Treasury yields if the move is driven by improving US growth and/or greater US fiscal stimulus – as long as the higher yields were not having a negative impact on equity or credit markets. This means less expected QE buying of Treasuries by the Fed. Conversely, given how aggressive the Reserve Bank of Australia and Bank of Canada have been with expanding their balance sheet via QE (Chart 10), this makes us reluctant to shift to the underweight stance on those countries implied by their high beta to rising US Treasury yields. Therefore, we are only downgrading those two countries to neutral. Bottom Line: Based on our view that US Treasury yields have more upside, we are making the following changes to our recommended country allocations in the government bond portion of our model bond portfolio: downgrading the US to underweight, downgrading higher-beta Canada and Australia to neutral, and raising lower-beta Germany, France, Japan and the UK to overweight. A New Tactical Trade: A UST-Bund Spread Widener Using Futures This week, we are also introducing a new recommended trade in our Tactical Overlay portfolio on page 16 to take advantage of our view on US bond yields: a 10-year US-Germany spread widening trade using government bond futures. Chart 11A Tactical Opportunity For A Wider UST-Bund Spread This trade makes sense for several reasons: Germany has one of the lowest yield betas to US Treasuries during periods when the latter is rising, as shown earlier. Our US Treasury-German Bund fundamental fair value spread model – which uses relative policy interest rates, unemployment and inflation between the US and the euro area as inputs - suggests that the spread is now far too tight after the massive rally in US Treasuries in 2020 (Chart 11). The main reason why the spread looks so “expensive” is that the underlying fair value has risen with US inflation rising and euro area inflation falling (Chart 12, bottom panel). The UST-Bund yield differential is not stretched from a technical perspective, when looking at deviations of the spread from its 200-day moving average or the 26-week change in the spread; both measures suggest room for additional spread widening before reaching historical extremes (Chart 13). Also, duration positioning by US fixed income investors is only around neutral, according to the JP Morgan duration survey, suggesting scope to push yields higher if bond investors become more defensive. Chart 12Inflation Differentials Justify A Wider UST-Bund Spread Chart 13Technical Trends Favor A Wider UST-Bund Spread As a reference, we are initiating this trade with the cash bond 10-year US-Germany spread at +138bps, with a target range of +170-190bps over the 0-6 month horizon we maintain for our Tactical Overlay positions. Bottom Line: We introduce a new trade in our Tactical Overlay to capitalize on our expectation of higher US bond yields and a wider Treasury-Bund spread: selling 10-year Treasury futures versus buying 10-year German bund futures. Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see BCA Research US Bond Strategy Special Report, "Beware The Bond-Bearish Blue Sweep", dated October 20, 2020, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com and gfis.bcaresearch.com. Recommendations The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades Yields & Returns Global Bond Yields Historical Returns
Highlights We are upgrading Trump’s odds of winning to 45%. We have bet on a Democratic sweep all year. Incumbent parties rarely survive recessions, and President Trump has mishandled the pandemic. However, our updated quantitative election model – which relies heavily on short-term changes in the 50 states’ economies – points to a Trump victory with 279 Electoral College votes. The model puts Biden’s odds at 49%, i.e. “too close to call.” Opinion polls still favor Biden – and polls are generally accurate with sitting presidents. Yet Biden’s lead in swing states is comparable to Hillary Clinton’s in 2016. And we all know how that ended. Trump’s comeback, successful or not, will increase the chances of a contested election and will boost Republicans in Senate races. Our Senate model is also now flagging Republican control. The US fiscal policy outlook hinges on control of the Senate. Democrats would add 4%-7% of GDP to the fiscal thrust next year. We give 28% odds to a risk-off scenario, leaving a 72% chance that the policy setting will favor reflation. Feature We are upgrading President Trump’s odds of winning the US election from 35% to 45%. Looking at opinion polls, Biden is still favored as we go to press. But according to our quantitative election model, which relies heavily on the economy, Trump will eke out an Electoral College victory. What matters is that the media and financial markets are once again underrating Trump. The race is getting closer in the final days. Not only is our model flagging a Trump win, but the V-shaped economic recovery is boosting Trump’s popular support in the battleground states critical to winning an Electoral College majority. At very least investors should hedge their bets on former Vice President Joe Biden, who is not, after all, an extraordinarily charismatic challenger. Biden is not polling much better than Hillary Clinton polled against Trump four years ago (Chart 1). Chart 1ABiden Not Polling Much Better Than Clinton … Chart 1B… Against Trump The polling so far suggests that Trump suffered permanent damage from this year’s crisis and his support will hit a ceiling and relapse over the next week, confirming the month’s general tendency of a Biden win. But our confidence in the outcome is lower than before. The implication for investors is that the current volatility and risk-off sentiment could extend for one-to-three months, particularly given Congress’s failure to pass a new COVID relief package. However, beyond the near term, most scenarios are reflationary, positive for global equities and negative for low-yielding government bonds. There Are Still Undecided Voters Trump beat expectations in the final presidential debate on October 22, according to CNN polls. But debate performance does not accurately predict the winner of US elections. Moreover around 58 million voters have already voted based on prior information.1 Chart 2Still Enough Undecided Voters To Turn Election Still, Trump’s recovery in swing state polling is simultaneous with a lot of early voting in October, and there are enough undecided voters to change the outcome in critical swing states. About 6% of voters are undecided – virtually the same as in 2016. While the number of third-party supporters has fallen by 5.7 percentage points (ppt), this trend will not hurt Trump (Chart 2). In swing states in 2016, Libertarian Party voters outnumbered Green Party voters by a ratio of four to one, which does not suggest that these voters will all flock to Biden. They could even lean Trump. A large third party vote points to popular discontent, which hurts the incumbent party, as in 1980 and 1992. A lower third party vote is thus neutral for Trump. This is a major difference in 2020 from 1980 and 1992, which are the only two modern examples of a president losing after his first term. The best demographic projections have long shown that a rerun of the 2016 election, albeit with a normalization of the third-party vote share, would lead to an Electoral College tie. While it is virtually impossible for Trump to win the popular vote, he has a lifeline if state results are contested and/or the Electoral College is indecisive. Quant Model Gives Trump 279 Electoral College Votes Economic activity in the US continues to bounce back, according to flash PMIs in services and manufacturing as well as the latest data release from the Philadelphia Federal Reserve’s Coincident Economic Index. This index is the key input in our quantitative US election models for the White House and Senate, both of which now flag Republican victories. The latest reading pushes Trump’s odds of winning re-election up by 2ppt, to 51%, thus predicting that he will win with 279 Electoral College votes, an increase of 20 votes since our September update (Chart 3). Obviously this is not a high-confidence reading but rather an outcome that says the election is “too close to call.” Our model correctly predicts all election outcomes since 1984 during in-sample back testing, and all elections since 2000 on an out-of-sample basis. Chart 3Quant Model Points To Trump Victory … A Risk To Our View A Trump victory would be a massive upset – as in 2016. According to PredictIt.org, there is a 40% chance that Republicans will keep the White House. Other prominent forecasting groups, like FiveThirtyEight and The Economist, give Trump much lower odds, at 12% and 4%, respectively. In our model, Michigan has moved comfortably toward a Republican win (74% odds), opposite the conventional wisdom. Michigan is the crux of our subjective difference with our quantitative model – we don’t see a path for Trump to win as the polls currently stand. New Hampshire is the model’s only toss-up state, with a 53% chance of switching to Republicans, another surprising find, albeit one punctuated by President Trump’s decision to campaign in the state over the weekend. Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, states won by the Republicans in 2016, are still expected to flip to the Democrats. State-level coincident economic indices have the largest impact in determining the outcome in the model. Our other explanatory variables are state-by-state margins of victory in 2016, a “time for change” variable that favors incumbent parties, and the range of Trump’s approval rating. These variables have not changed recently and will not change in the final days of the election. Improving economic activity across the US is the basis for our model’s finding. Chart 4Improvements In Swing State Economies The Philly Fed data show that 48 out of 50 states’ coincident economic indices increased over the past three months, an increase by 10 states since the previous month’s release. All swing states rose, while the previous toss-up state, Michigan, turned positive, according to our weighting method, which takes the three-month changes in the economic indicators and weights the final months of useable data more heavily than previous months in an election year (Chart 4). Michigan and New Hampshire account for 20 electoral votes, raising Trump from 259 to 279. Clients have asked us why we use the range of President Trump’s approval rating rather than the level (Chart 5). We found this measure more statistically significant than other measures. If we manipulate the data we find that the model would still favor Trump if we looked at the two-year change of the approval rating or the October momentum of the approval rating. However, the model flags a Trump loss if we judge by the July or October level of his approval rating (which is historically low), or if we exclude the approval rating data altogether. The result of these alternate versions of our model is a Trump loss, with 246 Electoral College votes and Florida and Michigan remaining the critical toss-up states (Table 1). We are sticking with our original model, as the range of approval predicts electoral votes with a higher confidence level than other measures. Chart 5Trump’s Approval Range Is Narrow, Stable Table 1Variations In Quant Model Show Range Of Possibilities Bottom Line: Our quant model now favors Trump for re-election with 279 Electoral College votes. This economy-heavy model suggests that Trump is once again underrated, that the odds of a contested election are rising (in which Trump has some institutional advantages), and that Senate Republicans will benefit from the final sprint. Uncertainty and volatility will affect the market if the election result is indecisive, delayed, or if the GOP keeps the Senate (see below). Why We Do Not Favor Trump Outright Biden has been our pick since March based on the year’s huge external shock. The pandemic and recession have been harmful to the material wellbeing of the American public and therefore have sharply reduced the odds that the current president and ruling party will be re-elected. Looking at the level of Trump’s approval rating, he is comparable to George Bush Sr, who lost re-election in 1992 after a recession and race riots in Los Angeles. He is well beneath George Bush Jr and Barack Obama, who were re-elected handily in 2004 and 2012 (Chart 6). Chart 6Trump’s Approval Rating Level Is Relatively Low Joe Biden has a 7.9ppt lead in average national opinion polling. Looking at the breakdown across demographic groups reveals Trump’s serious liabilities. Biden has a 17ppt lead among women, compared to Clinton’s 15ppt lead in 2016 exit polls, and he is tied with Trump among men, compared to a 11ppt Trump lead in 2016 (Chart 7).2 Chart 7Trump Lagging In Key Demographic Groups Ethnic white voters still favor Trump by 5ppt but Trump has lost ground with this group since 2016, when he had a 15ppt advantage. Biden leads among voters who have some college education, while Trump’s lead among non-college graduates has fallen from 7ppt in 2016 to 4ppt this year. Chart 8Consumer Confidence Sounds Warning For President However, Black and Hispanic voters support Biden by a 74ppt and 31ppt margin, respectively, down from Clinton’s larger margins of 85ppt and 38ppt in 2016. While Trump is an exclusively commercial president, his approval rating never rose above 47% even when the economy was booming and consumer confidence soared. The collapse in consumer confidence has taken a toll on his approval, which struggles to break above 45% (Chart 8). Expectations have shot up, but voters are unhappy about current conditions. Consumer spending has not fully recovered and disposable income is in a freefall due to the failure of Congress to agree to a new fiscal relief deal since August, when benefits began to expire (Chart 9). Trump wanted a deal but so far Senate Republicans have proven unable to capitulate to House Democrats’ demands. Median family income has fallen over the course of Trump’s term. It spiked on the fiscal relief but then fell back when the latest phase of stimulus fell through (Chart 10). Chart 9Lack Of Fiscal Stimulus Weighs On Households Chart 10Median Income Down Over Four Year Term Under Trump’s watch the unemployment rate has risen from 4.7% to 7.9%. Obviously the surge was due to the pandemic and unemployment has fallen from its peak. But rising joblessness weighs on a president’s approval rating in the final reckoning – this is a good rule of thumb for identifying one-term presidents (Chart 11). Permanent unemployment is also rising, creating a group of unhappy voters that could make a difference in elections with thin margins. Chart 11AUnemployment Often Predicts … Chart 11B... The Election End-Game The pandemic is not over. COVID-19 hospitalizations and deaths are climbing in Arizona, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin (Chart 12). Trump’s net approval rating is deeply negative with regard to his handling of the crisis, as opposed to the economy where his approval is still net positive (Chart 13). Chart 12Pandemic Re-Emerging, Hurts Trump Chart 13Trump Ailing On Pandemic Handling Biden, a traditional Democrat, is an acceptable alternative to Trump. His lead over Trump is 7.9% in national polling and 4% in swing state polling. He polls considerably better than Hillary Clinton did. In Arizona his polling is rising; elsewhere it is flat (Chart 14A & B). Chart 14ABiden Polling Stable … Chart 14B… And Better Than Hillary Can the opinion polls be trusted? National polling is generally close to the mark – especially for incumbent presidents – and the winner of the national vote wins the Electoral College 91% of the time. Challengers who lose elections typically outperform their final polling by 1.4%. Those who win outperform by 3%. Whereas incumbent presidents who win outperform by 0.8% and those who lose outperform by 1% – i.e. they do better than expected but still lose (Chart 15A & B). Presidents are well known so they don’t tend to bring big surprises. However, there are major exceptions, namely Harry Truman. Chart 15AOpinion Polls Fairly Accurate On Sitting Presidents Chart 15BOpinion Polls More Often Underrate Challengers Chart 16Trump Is Rising In Battleground State Polls What about state level polls? The big errors in 2016 occurred on the state level. However, swing state pollsters have improved their methods. This can be confirmed by the fact that Trump’s performance in battleground opinion polls closely aligns with his job approval rating (Chart 16). The approval rating is the most reliable of all US political polls. The fact that these two are in lockstep, as against Trump’s national support rate (which is weighed down by dyed-in-the-wool Democrats in populous states), suggests that swing state polling is not wildly off the mark. On the other hand, Biden’s 4ppt lead is not very large. Voter turnout will be very high this year. Both Professor Michael McDonald from the US Elections Project and Nate Silver of FiveThirtyEight expect turnout to be around 65%. High political polarization, get-out-the-vote campaigns by both parties, and expanded access to mail-in voting due to the pandemic have created a high-turnout environment. High turnout does not necessarily disfavor Trump, given that his political base consists of many low turnout groups. But it should hurt him in the context of higher unemployment, as was the case for the incumbent party in 1992 and 2008 (Chart 17). Bottom Line: History suggests the incumbent party will lose the White House. So do opinion polls, which tend to be accurate when it comes to sitting presidents. Trump’s momentum has picked up in swing state opinion polls this month, though it is pausing as we go to press. If he gains momentum in the final week then he could still win the election. Chart 17AHigh Turnout Amid High Unemployment … Chart 17B…Hurts Incumbent Trump’s Path To Victory Biden’s 4ppt lead in swing states is within the range of polling error. A last-minute Trump comeback is a risk. While presidents usually lose re-election if they suffer a recession, especially during the year of the election, there have been exceptions – namely in 1900, 1904, and 1924. The basis for Trump to make a comeback is the economic snapback and the fact that voters consistently rate the economy as the most important issue in the election. The crisis struck early enough in the year that the massive fiscal relief package has propped up demand in what could be the nick of time for the president (Chart 18).3 Chart 18Trump’s Biggest Help Is V-Shaped Recovery Trump is generally polling better than he did in 2016 and his polling is ticking up in the final weeks of the race despite a disastrous year (Chart 19). His polling is improving in Florida and Arizona, meaning that a single victory in the upper Midwest would keep him in the White House. Chart 19ATrump Rallying In Some Swing States … Chart 19B… Critical Trend If It Continues Wage growth is also seeing a V-shaped recovery – particularly in the blue states, where services and knowledge-based sectors drive the economy, but also in “purple” swing states (Chart 20), though admittedly the purple states that voted for Trump are the laggards. The manufacturing sector is also bouncing back, which is critical for the Midwestern Rust Belt that got pummeled by Trump’s trade war prior to the pandemic. The surge in credit fueled by the Federal Reserve’s liquidity provisions is a positive for this region (Chart 21). Chart 20Swing State Wage Growth Bounces Back Chart 21Midwestern Economy Snaps Back The stock market rally is also positive for the incumbent. The S&P 500 predicts the election result 77% of the time going back to 1896. Specifically, its year-to-date performance as of October 31 of an election year is positively correlated with an incumbent party’s likelihood of winning the White House and is statistically significant at the 5% confidence level. Back in May, with the S&P down 13%, the stock market gave Trump a 16% chance of re-election. Today, up 6% YTD, it gives him a 66% chance (Chart 22). Chart 22Simple Stock Market Model Says Trump Favored For Re-Election We would not put too much emphasis on this measure, as the market also rallied prior to Carter’s and Bush’s losses in 1980 and 1992. But Trump is uniquely tied to the stock market and it is clearly good for him if the market does not collapse (though the failure to pass fiscal stimulus is a liability). Simply put, Trump is stronger than Mitt Romney 2012 and Biden is weaker than Barack Obama. The 3.9ppt margin of victory in the popular vote that year should be narrower this year. Run-of-the-mill Democrats have not received more than 49% of the popular vote in recent memory. And that was the popular Bill Clinton in 1996 (Table 2). If Trump clocks in at 46%, as in 2016, then he could squeak through the Electoral College once again. Bottom Line: We are upgrading Trump’s odds to 45%. Table 2US Presidential Election Popular Vote The Senate Is Too Close To Call Even if Trump’s comeback is “too little, too late,” it increases the chance of a contested election – in which he could get a lifeline through the Supreme Court or the House of Representatives – and also gives a boost to Republican Senators in tight races. Our Senate election model, like our presidential model, uses the Philly Fed coincident economic indicators. It has also flipped from favoring Democrats to narrowly predicting Republican control, with 51-49 seats. Specifically, Montana and North Carolina shifted into the Republican camp, though North Carolina remains a toss-up and would turn the overall balance of power (Chart 23).4 Chart 23Quant Model Says Senate Favors Republicans – A Risk To Reflation Trade Again the proper way of interpreting this reading is that the election is “too close to call,” with a 49% chance of Democratic control. Notably our Senate model relies more heavily on opinion polling than our presidential model – it incorporates the president’s approval rating level as well as the incumbent party’s net support rate in the generic congressional ballot (a poll that measures which party voters generally prefer for Congress). The economic recovery is the source of the boost for Republicans but marginal improvements in Republican polling do not hurt. The Senate race is critical to the overall policy significance of the US election. You cannot pass major legislation in the US without control of the Senate. And the Senate races are clearly tightening. This means uncertainty is rising, not falling, as the election approaches. Position For Reflation, The Likeliest Policy Outcome In particular the US fiscal outlook depends on the Senate. Chart 24 simulates the different courses of the deficit depending on election scenarios. If the Democrats win the White House, Senate, and House of Representatives, the budget deficit will rise from 16% of GDP in FY 2020 to 23% of GDP in FY 2021, as Biden will largely execute his policy agenda. Chart 24Democratic Sweep Offers Massive Fiscal Boost If Trump and the Republicans win the White House and retain the Senate, they will keep cutting deals with House Democrats as in recent years, and the deficit will at least remain flat. The only scenario in which the budget deficit contracts – i.e. a negative fiscal thrust threatens the US economic recovery – occurs if Biden wins the White House but Republicans obstruct his agenda. Realistically, this would result in something like the Republican status quo scenario in Chart 24 above, rather than the Congressional Budget Office’s baseline scenario. The baseline scenario would produce an intolerable 7.4% contraction in fiscal thrust under baseline scenario in 2021. GOP senators would not go so far. They are not the same as the House Freedom Caucus members who were so hawkish in 2010-16. Nevertheless investors cannot rule out the baseline scenario – which could cause a double-dip recession – until GOP senators allay their fears. The market will cheer if President Trump and the Republicans retain the White House and Senate, as the fiscal thrust will be neutral or slightly expansive. It will especially cheer if the Democrats win a clean sweep, adding anywhere from 4%-7% of GDP in fiscal thrust for FY 2021 – the most reflationary outcome. It will even cheer in the odd chance that Trump wins with a unified Democratic Congress, which would also be reflationary. But the market will not cheer if the election threatens premature fiscal tightening via Republican obstructionism under a Biden presidency. This is the only scenario that is deflationary. The market would have to riot to force Republican senators to cooperate with a Democratic president – and this would be the case in the lame duck session as well as for each new stimulus package and budget over 2021-22. Based on our updated quant models, this Biden+GOP scenario is about a 28% probability, a slight increase from our previous view. The flip side is that there is about a 72% probability of a reflationary outcome. Beyond the near term, a Biden presidency with a Republican senate is actually market positive. Republican senators would eventually have to agree to House-drawn budgets, but would prevent tax hikes and legislative overreach (the downside of a Democratic sweep). Meanwhile a President Biden would avoid sweeping unilateral tariffs against China and the EU (the downside of any Trump victory). Bottom Line: A Democratic sweep is the most fiscally proactive scenario but the odds have fallen from around 45% to 27% according to our quant models. The odds of Biden plus a GOP Senate have risen from 20% to 28%. The market would have to digest significant new fiscal risks in this case, so the dollar and US treasuries would initially rally. The other scenarios combine to a 72% probability and are initially reflationary, albeit less so than a Democratic sweep, with the likelihood of massive trade war risk in 2021. Trade Recommendations Courtesy Of The BCA Equity Analyzer As the US election approaches and the effects of the global pandemic linger, economic policy uncertainty remains elevated. Equity markets tend to behave very differently in times of acute uncertainty. In order to gauge the effects of uncertainty at the individual stock level, we turn to BCA’s stock-picking engine, the Equity Analyzer. We looked at factor performance when economic policy uncertainty (as defined by Baker, Bloom and Davis) exceeds the 150-line (Chart 25). This is quite high compared to history. Chart 25Policy Uncertainty: How High Will It Go? We look at the 30 factors included in the BCA Equity Analyzer and examine the Sharpe Ratio (Chart 26). The Sharpe ratio expresses the risk adjusted performance of long/short strategies based on each factor. Long/short strategies, in turn, are defined as going long the top 25% based on a factor and going short the bottom 25%. Chart 26Equity Analyzer Shows Key Traits For Navigating Uncertainty The results show that the best performing factors in times of high uncertainty are: Relative earnings yield Low accruals5 BCA Style, which is an in-house combined measure for (1) value versus growth and (2) small caps versus large caps. One-month momentum With these results, we go back to the BCA Equity Analyzer to extract the top 25 stocks filtered by our top 4 factors during times of uncertainty. The results are shown in Table 3.6 The BCA score in this table ranges from 0 to 100% (from a strong sell to a strong buy). It is based on 30 factors distributed among seven broad categories: Macro, Value, Safety, Sentiment, Technical, Quality, Payout. These picks will improve performance during the upcoming spike in uncertainty, which is now even more likely than it was given the rising odds of a contested election and/or deflationary partisan gridlock. Table 3BCA Equity Analyzer Stock Picks For Election Uncertainty Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Research Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com David Boucher Chief Quantitative Strategist DavidB@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 See Lauren King and Lauren Lantry, “More than 58 million Americans have already voted,” ABC News, October 25, 2020, abcnews.go.com. 2 See “An examination of the 2016 electorate, based on validated voters,” Pew Research Center, August 9, 2018, pewresearch.org. 3 Back in April, former Obama economic adviser Jason Furman predicted that the likely timing of the economic snapback would be very favorable for President Trump: “We’re about to see the best economic data we’ve seen in the history of this country,” he said. See Ryan Lizza and Daniel Lippman, “The general election scenario that Democrats are dreading,” Politico, May 26, 2020, politico.com. 4 Given the Senate’s critical importance to US fiscal policy, we weren’t joking when we said that Democratic candidate Cal Cunningham’s sex scandal in North Carolina could end up making the difference for the election’s overall consequences as well as the global macro outlook! 5 Accounting accruals are the non-cash component of a firm’s earnings and can be used as a metric to gauge the overall quality of a firm. Firms with high accruals tend to underperform firms with low accruals because of the potential to mask poor performance through the practice of accrual accounting. 6 Screener is based on US exchanges, top 30% based on market cap, Relative Earning Yield Score above 50%, Accruals Score above 50%, 1-month Momentum above 50%, and BCA Style above 50%.
Highlights Duration: Prospects for more pre-election fiscal stimulus are slim. But with the Democrats gaining ground in the polls, the bond market will stay focused on rising odds of a blue sweep election and greater fiscal stimulus in early 2021. Municipal Bonds: Municipal bonds offer exceptional value relative to both US Treasuries and corporate credit. Not only that, but rising odds of a blue sweep election make state & local government fiscal relief increasingly likely. Investors should overweight municipal bonds in US fixed income portfolios. Economy: The economic recovery continues to roll on, but it will be some time before the output gap is closed and inflation starts to rise. Slow consumer and corporate credit growth suggest that animal spirits have not yet taken hold. Meanwhile, the falling unemployment rate masks a persistent uptrend in the number of permanently unemployed. Feature Chart 1Breakout After having been lulled to sleep by several months of stagnant yields, bond investors experienced a minor shockwave in early October. The 10-year Treasury yield and 2/10 slope both broke out of well-established trading ranges and implied interest rate volatility bounced off all-time lows to reach its highest level since June (Chart 1). We suspect this might turn out to be just the first small tremor in a tumultuous month leading up to the US election. Specifically, there are two main political risks that will be resolved within the next month. Both have major implications for the bond market. Bond-Bullish Risk: No More Stimulus Before The Election The first risk is the possibility that the current Congress will not deliver any more fiscal stimulus. This increasingly looks like less of a possibility and more of a likelihood, especially after the president tweeted that he is halting negotiations with House Democrats. While he partially walked those comments back the next day, the fact remains that there is very little time between now and November 3rd, and the two sides remain at loggerheads. We have argued that more household income support from Congress is necessary. Otherwise, consumer spending will massively disappoint during the next year.1 However, it could take a few more months before this becomes apparent in the consumer spending data. Real consumer spending still rose in August, though much less quickly than it did in June and July (Chart 2). Meanwhile, August disposable income remained above pre-COVID levels, as it continued to receive a boost from facilities related to the CARES act (Chart 2, bottom panel). This boost will fade as the CARES act’s money is doled out, pushing spending lower. That is, unless Congress enacts a follow-up bill. There are two main political risks that will be resolved within the next month and both have major implications for the bond market. It looks less and less likely that a bill will be passed this month but, depending on the election outcome, a follow-up stimulus bill could become more likely in January. If consumer spending can hang in for the next couple of months, then the bond market might look past Congress’ near-term failure. This appears to be what is happening so far. The stock market fell 1.4% last Tuesday after Trump tweeted about halting negotiations. The 10-year Treasury yield, however, dropped only 2 bps on the day. More generally, long-dated bond yields rose during the past month, even as stocks sold off and prospects for immediate fiscal relief dimmed (Chart 3). Chart 2September's Consumer Spending Report Is Critical Chart 3Bonds Ignore Stock ##br##Market... With all that in mind, we think September’s consumer spending data – the last month of data we will see before the election – are very important. If spending collapses, it might re-focus the market’s attention on Congress’ failure, sending bond yields down. However, we think the market would see through a modest drop in spending, especially if the election looks poised to bring us a larger bill in 2021. Bond-Bearish Risk: A Blue Sweep Election Chart 4...Take Cues From Election Odds This brings us to the second big political risk that could influence bond yields during the next month: The possibility of a “blue sweep” election where the Democrats win control of the House, Senate and White House. This would clearly be a bearish outcome for bonds, as an unimpeded Democratic party would enact a large stimulus package – likely worth $2.5 to $3.5 trillion – shortly after inauguration. It appears that the bond market is already tentatively pricing-in this outcome. While the recent increase in bond yields is hard to square with weak equity prices and souring expectations for immediate stimulus, it is consistent with rising betting market odds of a blue sweep election (Chart 4). To underscore the bond bearishness of this potential election outcome, consider that not only would a unified Congress be able to quickly deliver another fiscal relief bill, but Joe Biden’s platform calls for even more spending on infrastructure, healthcare, education and other Democratic priorities. In total, Biden is proposing new spending of around 3% of GDP, only about half of which will be offset by tax increases (Table 1). Table 1ABiden Would Raise $4 Trillion In Revenue Over Ten Years Table 1BBiden Would Spend $7 Trillion In Programs Over Ten Years How likely is a “blue sweep” election? It is our Geopolitical Strategy service’s base case.2 Also, fivethirtyeight.com’s poll-based forecasting model sees a 68% chance that Democrats win the Senate, a 94% chance that they win the House and an 85% chance that Joe Biden wins the presidency. Investment Strategy These two political risks appear to put bond investors in a bit of a conundrum. On the one hand, if no stimulus bill is passed this month and September’s consumer spending data are weak, then bond yields could fall in the near-term. However, we are inclined to think that if all that occurs against the back-drop of rising odds of a blue sweep election outcome, the bond market will look beyond the near-term and yields will move higher on expectations of larger stimulus coming in January. As such, we retain our relatively pro-reflation investment stance. We recommend owning nominal and real yield curve steepeners, inflation curve flatteners and maintaining an overweight position in TIPS versus nominal Treasuries. All these positions are designed to profit from a rising yield environment.3 Municipal bonds look extremely cheap compared to other US fixed income sectors. We retain an “at benchmark” portfolio duration stance for now, for two reasons. First, while a blue sweep election outcome looks like the most likely scenario, it is not a guarantee. Second, even against the backdrop of greater government stimulus and continued economic recovery, the US economy will still be dealing with a large output gap next year that will temper inflationary pressures. This will keep the Fed on hold, limiting the upside in bond yields. That being said, the odds of another significant downleg in bond yields look increasingly slim. We will likely shift to a more aggressive “below-benchmark” duration stance this month, if our conviction in a blue sweep election outcome continues to rise. A Rare Buying Opportunity In Municipal Bonds No matter how you slice it, municipal bonds look extremely cheap compared to other US fixed income sectors. First, we can look at the spread between Aaa-rated munis and maturity-matched US Treasury yields (Chart 5). When we do this, we find that 2-year and 5-year municipal bonds trade at about the same yields as their Treasury counterparts. This is despite municipal debt’s tax-exempt status. Munis look even more attractive further out the curve, with 10-year and 30-year bonds trading at a before-tax premium relative to Treasuries. Chart 5Aaa Munis Versus ##br##Treasuries Table 2Muni/Corporate Breakeven Effective Tax Rates (%) Next, we can look at how municipal bonds stack up compared to corporates. We do this in a couple different ways. In Table 2, we start with the Bloomberg Barclays Investment Grade Corporate Index split by credit tier. We then find the General Obligation (GO) municipal bond that matches each corporate index’s credit rating and maturity and calculate the breakeven effective tax rate between the two yields. The breakeven effective tax rate is the effective tax rate that would make an investor indifferent between owning the municipal bond and the corporate bond. For example, if an investor faces an effective tax rate of 7%, they will observe the same after-tax yield in a 12-year A-rated GO municipal bond as they do in a 12-year A-rated corporate bond. If their effective tax rate is more than 7%, the muni offers an after-tax yield advantage. Alternatively, we can look at the relative value between munis and credit using the Bloomberg Barclays Municipal Indexes. In Chart 6A, we start with the average yield on the Bloomberg Barclays General Obligation indexes by maturity. We then find the US Credit index that matches the credit rating and duration of the municipal index and calculate the yield differential.4 We find that in all cases, for GO bonds ranging from 6 years to maturity and higher, the muni offers a before-tax yield advantage compared to the Credit Index. This is also true when we perform the same exercise using municipal revenue bonds instead of GOs (Chart 6B). Chart 6AGO Munis Versus Credit Chart 6BRevenue Munis Versus Credit You may notice that municipal bonds trade at a before-tax premium to credit in Charts 6A and 6B, but at a discount in Table 2. This is because we compare bonds by maturity in Table 2 and by duration in Charts 6A and 6B. Unlike investment grade corporates, municipal bonds often carry call options making them negatively convex and giving them a duration that is much shorter than their maturity. Cheap For A Reason, Or Just Plain Cheap? Chart 7State & Local Balance Sheets Will Weather The Storm We have effectively demonstrated that municipal bonds offer value relative to both Treasuries and corporate credit. But attractive value is not enough to warrant an overweight allocation. Ideally, we would also like some degree of confidence that wide spreads won’t eventually be justified by a wave of downgrades and defaults. While state & local government balance sheets are certainly stressed, we see strong odds that the muni market will emerge from the COVID recession relatively unscathed. For starters, state & local governments were experiencing strong revenue growth prior to the pandemic (Chart 7, top panel). This allowed them to build rainy day funds up to all-time highs (Chart 7, panel 4). Second, income support for households from the CARES act helped prop up state & local income tax revenues in the second quarter (Chart 7, panel 2), though sales tax revenues took a significant hit (Chart 7, panel 3). Going forward, a blue sweep election scenario would not only provide more income support for households – helping income tax revenues – but a Democratic controlled Congress would also quickly deliver fiscal aid directly to state & local governments. In fact, it is this aid for state & local governments that is currently the key sticking point in fiscal negotiations. In the meantime, state & local governments will continue to clamp down on spending. This can already be seen in the massive drop in state & local government employment (Chart 7, bottom panel). This is obviously a drag on economic growth, but the combination of austerity measures and high rainy day fund balances will help municipal bonds avoid downgrades and defaults, at least until a fiscal relief bill is passed next year. While state & local government balance sheets are certainly stressed, we see strong odds that the muni market will emerge from the COVID recession relatively unscathed. Bottom Line: Municipal bonds offer exceptional value relative to both US Treasuries and corporate credit. Not only that, but rising odds of a blue sweep election make state & local government fiscal relief increasingly likely. Investors should overweight municipal bonds in US fixed income portfolios. Economy: Credit Growth & The Labor Market Credit Growth Slowing Chart 8No Animal Spirits Of notable economic data releases during the past two weeks, we find it particularly interesting that both consumer credit and Commercial & Industrial (C&I) bank lending continue to slow (Chart 8). On the consumer side, massive income support from the CARES act and few spending opportunities caused households to pay down debt this spring. Then, after two months of modest gains, consumer credit fell again in August (Chart 8, top panel). This strongly suggests that, even as lockdown restrictions have eased, consumers aren’t yet ready to open up the spending taps. On the corporate side, firms received much less of a direct cash injection from Congress and were forced to take on massive amounts of debt to get through the spring and early summer months. But as of the second quarter, we recently observed that nonfinancial corporate retained earnings now exceed capital expenditures.5 This strongly suggests that firms have taken out enough new debt and that C&I bank lending will remain slow in the coming months. Cracks Showing In The Labor Market Chart 9Far From Full Employment Finally, we should mention September’s employment report that was released two weeks ago (Chart 9). It is certainly positive that the unemployment rate continues to fall, but the main takeaway for bond investors should be that the US economy remains far from full employment, and therefore far away from generating meaningful inflationary pressure. While the unemployment rate fell for the fifth consecutive month, it is now dropping much less quickly than it did early in the summer (Chart 9, panel 2). Also, we continue to note that labor market gains are entirely concentrated in temporarily unemployed people returning to work. The number of permanently unemployed continues to rise (Chart 9, bottom panel). Bottom Line: The economic recovery continues to roll on, but it will be some time before the output gap is closed and inflation starts to rise. Slow consumer and corporate credit growth suggest that animal spirits have not yet taken hold. Meanwhile, the falling unemployment rate masks a persistent uptrend in the number of permanently unemployed. Appendix The Fed rolled out a number of aggressive lending facilities on March 23. These facilities focused on different specific sectors of the US bond market. The fact that the Fed has decided to support some parts of the market and not others has caused some traditional bond market correlations to break down. It has also led us to adopt of a strategy of “Buy What The Fed Is Buying”. That is, we favor those sectors that offer attractive spreads and that benefit from Fed support. The below Table tracks the performance of different bond sectors since the March 23 announcement. We will use this to monitor bond market correlations and evaluate our strategy’s success. Table 3Performance Since March 23 Announcement Of Emergency Fed Facilities Ryan Swift US Bond Strategist rswift@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “More Stimulus Needed”, dated September 15, 2020, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 2 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, “It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over”, dated October 9, 2020, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 3 For more details on these recommended positions please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “Positioning For Reflation And Avoiding Deflation”, dated August 11, 2020, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 4 Note that we use the US Credit Index in Charts 6A and 6B. This index includes the entire US corporate bond index but also some non-corporate credit sectors like Sovereigns and Foreign Agency bonds. 5 Please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “Out Of Bullets”, dated September 29, 2020, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com Fixed Income Sector Performance Recommended Portfolio Specification
Highlights Both public opinion polls and betting markets suggest that Joe Biden will become President, with the Democrats gaining control of the Senate and retaining the House of Representatives. Such a “blue wave” would have mixed effects on the value of the S&P 500. On the one hand, corporate taxes would rise under a Biden administration. On the other hand, trade relations with China would improve. The Democrats would also push for more fiscal stimulus, which the stock market would welcome. The odds of Republicans and Democrats agreeing on a major new stimulus deal before the November elections look increasingly slim. In a blue wave scenario, the Democrats will enact $2.5-to-$3.5 trillion in pandemic relief shortly after Inauguration Day. Joe Biden‘s platform also calls for around 3% of GDP in additional spending on infrastructure, health care, education, climate, housing, and other Democratic priorities. Unlike in late 2016, the Fed is in no mood to raise interest rates. Large-scale fiscal easing will push down the value of the US dollar, while giving bond yields a modest boost. Non-US stocks will outperform their US peers. Value stocks will outperform growth stocks. Looking further out, Republicans will move to the left on economic issues, leaving corporate America with no clear backer among the two major parties. As such, while we are constructive on equities over the next 12 months, we see grave dangers ahead later this decade. Look, Here's The Deal: Joe Biden Is In The Lead With four weeks remaining until the US presidential election, Joe Biden remains on course to become the 46th president of the United States. According to recent public opinion polls, the former vice president leads Donald Trump by 10 percentage points nationwide, and by 4 points in battleground states (Chart 1). Far fewer voters are undecided today compared to 2016. This suggests that there is less scope for President Trump to narrow his deficit in the polls. Betting markets give Biden a 68% chance of prevailing in the race for the White House (Chart 2). They also assign a 67% probability that the Democrats will take control of the Senate and 89% odds that they will retain their majority in the House of Representatives. Chart 1Opinion Polls Favor Biden ... Chart 2.... As Do Betting Markets Mixed Impact On The S&P 500 What would the market implications of a “blue wave” be? Our sense is that the overall impact on the value of the S&P 500 would be small, largely because some negative repercussions from a Democratic sweep would be offset by positive repercussions. On the negative side, Biden has pledged to raise the corporate income tax rate from 21% to 28%, bringing it halfway back to the 35% rate that prevailed in 2017. He has also promised to introduce a minimum of 15% tax on the income that companies report in their financial statements to shareholders, raise taxes on overseas profits, and lift payroll taxes on households with annual earnings in excess of $400,000. Together, these measures would reduce S&P 500 earnings-per-share by 9%-to-10%. On the positive side, while geopolitical tensions will persist, US trade relations with China would likely improve if Joe Biden were to become the president. Biden has roundly criticized Trump’s tariffs, saying that they are “crushing farmers” and “hitting a lot of American manufacturing… choking it to within an inch of its life.”1 He has pledged to honor multilateral agreements. The World Trade Organization concluded on September 15 that Trump’s tariffs violated international trade rules. This judgement and the desire to turn the page on the Trump era could give Biden the impetus to eventually roll back some of the tariffs. In contrast, having been stricken by what he has called the “China virus,” Trump could take things personally and retaliate with a flurry of new punitive measures. Fiscal policy would be further loosened in a blue wave scenario, an outcome that the stock market would welcome. Voters would also applaud more pandemic relief. Table 1 shows that 72% of Americans, including the majority of Republicans, support the broader contours of the $2 trillion stimulus package that President Trump has rejected. Table 1Voters Support A New $2 Trillion Coronavirus Stimulus Package By A Fairly Wide Margin At this point, the odds of Republicans and Democrats agreeing on a major new stimulus deal before the November elections look increasingly slim. If Biden wins and the Republicans lose control of the senate, the Democrats would likely enact a stimulus package worth $2.5-to-$3.5 trillion shortly after Inauguration Day on January 20. In addition to pandemic-related stimulus, Joe Biden has called for around 3% of GDP in spending on infrastructure, health care, education, climate, housing, and other Democratic priorities. Only about half of those expenditures would be matched by higher taxes, implying substantial net stimulus for the economy. A Weaker Dollar And Modestly Higher Bond Yields The greenback jumped on Tuesday after President Trump said he is breaking off negotiations with the Democrats over a new stimulus bill. This suggests that the dollar will weaken if fiscal policy is loosened. If that were to happen, it would be different from what transpired following Trump’s victory in 2016 when the dollar strengthened. Why the disconnect between now and then? The answer has to do with the outlook for monetary policy. Back then, the Fed was primed to start raising rates again – it hiked rates eight times beginning in December 2016, ultimately bringing the fed funds rate to 2.5% by end-2018 (Chart 3). This time around, the Fed is firmly on hold, with the vast majority of FOMC members expecting policy rates to stay at rock-bottom levels until at least 2023. This suggests that nominal bond yields will rise less than they did in late 2016. Since inflation expectations will likely move up in response to more stimulative fiscal policy, real yields will rise even less than nominal yields. Over the past 18 months, US real rates have fallen a lot more in relation to rates abroad than what one would have expected based on the fairly modest depreciation in the US dollar (Chart 4). If US real rates remain entrenched deep in negative territory, while the US current account deficit widens further on the back of strong domestic demand, the dollar will continue to weaken. Chart 3Trump Victory Was Followed By Rising Interest Rates Chart 4A Relatively Muted Decline In The Dollar Given The Move In Real Yield Differentials Favor Non-US And Value Stocks Non-US stocks typically outperform their US peers when the dollar is weakening (Chart 5). This partly stems from the fact that cyclical stocks are overrepresented in stock markets outside of the United States. It also reflects the fact that cash flows denominated in say, euros or yen, are worth more in dollars if the value of the dollar declines. Chart 5A Weaker Dollar Tends To Benefit Cyclical And Non-US Stocks Financial stocks are overrepresented outside the US (Table 2). They are also overrepresented in value indices (Table 3). While a Biden administration would subject the largest US banks to additional regulatory scrutiny, the impact on their bottom lines would likely be small. US banks have been living under the shadows of the Dodd-Frank Act for over a decade. Today, banks operate more as stable utilities than as cavalier casinos. Table 2Financials Are Overrepresented In Ex-US Indexes, While Tech Dominates The US Market Table 3Financials Are Overrepresented In Value, While Tech Dominates Growth Indexes Stronger stimulus-induced growth next year will allow many banks to release some of the hefty provisions against bad loans that they built up this year, while modestly steeper yields curves will boost net interest margins. Tech stocks are overrepresented in growth indices. Better trade relations would help US tech companies, as would a weaker dollar. That said, Joe Biden’s plan to increase taxes on overseas profits would hit tech companies disproportionately hard since the tech sector derives over half its revenue from outside the United States. Stepped up antitrust enforcement and more stringent privacy rules could also weigh on tech profits. On balance, while there are many moving parts, a Democratic sweep would favor non-US equities over US equities, and value stocks over growth stocks. Trumpism Transcends Trump Chart 6Trump Targeted Socially Conservative Voters In 2016, we bucked the consensus view that Hillary Clinton would win the election. On September 30, 2016, we predicted that “Trump will win and the dollar will rally,” noting that “Trump has seen a huge (yuge?) increase in support among working-class whites. If the so-called “likely voters” backing Clinton are, in fact, less likely to turn out at the polls than those backing Trump, this could skew the final outcome in Trump's favor.”2 Right-wing populism was the $1 trillion bill lying on the sidewalk that no mainstream Republican politician seemed eager to pick up. According to the Voter Study Group, only 4% of the US electorate identified as socially liberal and fiscally conservative in 2016, compared to 29% who saw themselves as fiscally liberal and socially conservative (Chart 6). The latter group had no political home, at least until Donald Trump came along. Rather than waxing poetically about small government conservatism – as most establishment Republicans were wont to do – Trump railed against mass immigration, unfair trade deals, rising crime, never-ending wars, and what he described as out-of-control political correctness. While Trump was able to carry out parts of his protectionist agenda, most of his other actions fell well short of what he had promised. His only major legislative achievement was a massive tax cut for corporations and wealthy individuals – something that the vast majority of his base never asked for. The Rich Are Flocking To The Democratic Party How did corporations and wealthy Americans reward Trump for lowering their taxes? By shifting their allegiances towards the Democrats, that’s how. According to the Pew Research Center, households earning more than $150,000 favored Democrats by 20 percentage points during the 2018 Congressional elections, a 13-point jump from 2016. Households earning between $30,000 and $149,999 favored Democrats by only 6 points in 2018. The only other income group that strongly favored Democrats were those earning less than $30,000 per year (Table 4). Table 4Democratic Candidates Had Wide Advantages Among The Highest-And-Lowest Income Voters Chart 7Democratic Districts Have Fared Better Over The Past Decade Other data tell a similar story. Median household income in Democratic congressional districts rose by 13% between 2008 and 2017. It fell by 4% in Republican districts. Today, on average, Republican districts have a median income that is 13% below Democratic districts (Chart 7). Campaign donations have shifted towards the Democrats. The latest monthly fundraising data shows that the Biden campaign received three times more large-dollar contributions in total than the Trump campaign. The nation’s CEOs have not been immune from this transformation. Seventy-seven percent of the business leaders surveyed by the Yale School of Management on September 23 said they would be voting for Joe Biden.3 As elites desert the Republican Party, will the Democratic Party start championing lower taxes and less regulation? That seems unlikely. According to the Voter Study Group, higher-income Democrats are actually more likely to support raising taxes on families earning more than $200,000 per year than lower-income Democrats (83% versus 79%). Among Republicans, the opposite is true: 45% of lower-income Republicans are in favor of raising taxes, compared to only 23% of higher-income Republicans.4 There used to be a time when companies tried to steer clear of the political limelight. This is starting to change. As the relative purchasing power of Democratic voters has risen, many companies have become emboldened to adopt overtly political stances on a variety of hot-button social and cultural issues, even if those stances alienate many conservative customers. What does this imply for investors? If big business abandons conservative voters, conservative voters will abandon big business. Corporate America will be left with no clear backer among the two major parties. Over the long haul, this is likely to be bad news for equity investors. As such, while we are constructive on equities over the next 12 months, we see grave dangers ahead later this decade. Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 “Biden Takes On ‘Trump’s Tariffs’,” The Wall Street Journal, June 12, 2019. 2 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, “Three (New) Controversial Calls,” dated September 30, 2016. 3 “CEO Caucus Survey: Business Leaders Fault Trump Administration on COVID and China,” Yale School of Management, September 24, 2020. 4 Lee Drutman, Vanessa Williamson, Felicia Wong, “On the Money: How Americans’ Economic Views Define — and Defy — Party Lines,” votersstudygroup.org, June 2019. Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Current MacroQuant Model Scores
Highlights President Trump is waffling on fiscal relief. Our constraints-based framework still points to a deal, but the odds have clearly fallen. US and global stocks have rallied despite the fiscal failure. Markets evidently believe stimulus is coming regardless, particularly if Democrats win a blue sweep – our base case election scenario. However, our quantitative election model has boosted Republican odds, flagging a major risk to the blue sweep scenario. Moreover a blue sweep will remove checks and balances on the new administration and thus bring negative surprises that the market is underrating. We maintain our tactical risk-off positioning on the expectation of another leg of election-related volatility. Over a 12-month time horizon we remain invested in reflation plays. Feature Financial markets came around to our “blue sweep” base case for the US election this week. Betting markets shifted sharply after the first presidential debate (Chart 1). Support for Biden surged in national opinion polls while Trump dropped off, albeit to a lesser extent in swing states. Worryingly for the White House, the few polls taken since Trump took ill with COVID-19 on October 2 do not show a sympathy bounce for the president (Chart 2). Chart 1Consensus Forms Around ‘Blue Sweep’ Base Case Chart 2Trump Takes A Dive With Little Time On Clock In a very dangerous turn for the president’s re-election chances, Trump discontinued negotiations with House Democrats over a fiscal relief bill, promising to pass a large new stimulus after the election. Partially walking back those comments, he said he would sign any targeted stimulus bills that Congress sends him in the meantime (such as a new round of $1,200 rebates for households). House Speaker Nancy Pelosi shot down the option of a skinny bill, as we have argued she would. Now they are going back and forth. While the S&P 500 rallied on the news, other reflation trades like US cyclicals, oil, and silver show the risk of premature fiscal tightening (Chart 3). Investors may have to wait until late January until getting a new infusion of government support. Chart 3Lack Of Stimulus Still A Risk To Reflation Trades Chart 4Market Rally Not Based On Blue Sweep Odds True, a fiscal deal could be passed in the lame duck session in November or December, but Republican Senators unwilling to pony up around $500 billion to bail out blue states – when they face a possible wipeout in a historic election – will be even less willing if they lose the election. They will be more hawkish since they will want to pin deficits on the Democrats in future. If Republicans retain control of the Senate despite the latest news – which is possible, especially given the Democratic candidate’s new vulnerability in the North Carolina race due to a sex scandal – then investors have two years of fiscal hawkishness to contend with. Diagram 1 highlights the market implications of this Senate risk. Diagram 1Scenarios For US Election Outcomes And Market Impacts So we need to look elsewhere to explain why the market rallied when odds of a fiscal deal fell. The above reasoning leaves us with the following options: The economy is recovering so robustly that new fiscal stimulus is unnecessary. This is not the view of Federal Reserve Chairman Jay Powell, who all but pleaded for Congress to conclude a deal to secure the recovery, or of other mainstream economists. Stimulus is coming regardless of election outcome. Congress will be forced to support the country during a slump. Debt monetization is the relevant point, even if there is a month-or-two delay in stimulus. Financial markets are cheering the higher odds of a Democratic clean sweep of Congress and the White House since it implies fiscal largesse. The market may already have discounted some of the impending tax hikes over the past month. The second explanation is the best but the third is rapidly becoming the new consensus on Wall Street. Chart 4 suggests there is no connection between the S&P rally and the odds of a blue sweep. With the Fed pursuing “maximum employment” and average inflation targeting, it makes sense that the real mover in the macro landscape has become fiscal policy. Hence the outcome that produces the most proactive fiscal policy is positive for financial markets. A blue sweep is verification of the shift toward debt monetization, which is missing from option two above. The problem is that a blue sweep also brings downside risks. Domestic policy uncertainty will only fall temporarily after the election if there is a blue sweep. Checks and balances will vanish. Eventually Democrats will become overweening in their policy agenda, delivering negative surprises to financial markets. A “New Deal”-style policy agenda would weigh on the corporate earnings outlook. For example, Democrats have refused to forswear removing the filibuster or stacking the Supreme Court, both of which would lie in their power and either of which would enable them to pass an ambitious “New Deal”-style policy agenda that would bring unforeseen consequences – largely in the direction of wealth redistribution away from corporations. Table 1What EPS Hit To Expect? Redistribution would start to correct US social and economic imbalances, improve middle class spending power, and boost consumption – but it would first weigh on the corporate earnings outlook. Net profit growth, which grew by 16% above what was otherwise expected due to the Trump tax cuts (Chart 5), could suffer more than the expected 11% one-off contraction (Table 1), as our US equity strategist Anastasios Avgeriou has shown. Chart 5Partial Repeal Of Trump Tax Cut Bad For Earnings New proposals will also emerge that the market is not taking account of. To take just the latest example, former Fed Chair Janet Yellen recently stated that the US could adopt a $40 per ton tax on carbon emissions under a Biden administration.1This proposal is not part of Biden’s official plan, hence not priced by markets along with Biden’s expected tax hikes (Table 2). But control of the Senate would make it a real option given Biden’s ambitious climate goals. Table 2Biden Needs Senate To Raise Taxes Consumer confidence in the US will suffer from political polarization. Recall that in 2016, the economy was in fine shape but Republicans did not believe it, weighing down the average until President Trump won the election. Today the economy is in a slump but Republicans may not recognize the bad news until President Trump loses. Democrats, for their part, will suddenly abandon their doom and gloom if Biden wins the election. Applying a comparable partisan shock to consumer confidence for 2021 would suggest that overall confidence will be lackluster (Chart 6). At least this is true until the passage of new stimulus and an advancing recovery outweigh the partisan effect. Chart 6Biden Will Not Recreate Trump Confidence Boost A similar case can be made that small business sentiment will worsen in a blue sweep scenario. Fear of higher regulation and taxes will spike and weigh on animal spirits (Chart 7). Historically the first year after an election sees smaller equity upside and larger downside with unified government as opposed to divided government (Chart 8). If this time is different it is because of the sea change in the US to embrace debt monetization. But that sea change occurred under a Republican administration and is likely to persist due to the output gap. Chart 7SMEs Will Fear Blue Wave Chart 8Stock Market Profile Fits Divided Government, Which Has More Upside A Republican Senate under a Biden presidency would bring higher fiscal risk, but the truth is that neither trade war risks nor corporate taxes would go up, yet Republicans would eventually have to concede to spending bills (just as Democrats did under Trump). Hence divided government is not as negative as it is made out to be as it contains mostly known quantities, whereas a blue sweep would lead the US in a redistributionist direction that is initially disruptive. Relative to divided government, it would be positive for aggregate demand but negative for corporate earnings. Bottom Line: US and global equities will rise over the coming 12 months on the back of eventual US stimulus and ongoing global stimulus. A blue sweep is our base case election outcome but it brings mixed results. Global equities would benefit more than US equities which will face a spike in taxes and regulation. US equities will still rise but they face more upside under a divided government in which Republicans halt tax hikes. Supreme Court Confirmation Looms Of course, a blue sweep outcome is not guaranteed. Indeed the fact that it is now consensus makes us nervous, as there are still 26 days until the election. Our quantitative election model gives the Republicans a 49% chance of winning the White House on the back of the V-shaped recovery in the states, which delivers Florida to the Republican camp, leaving Trump with 259 Electoral College votes (Chart 9). This probability is well above our subjective 35% judgment and the new market consensus on Trump’s odds. Chart 9Quant Election Model Gives Trump 259 Electoral College Votes And 49% Odds Of Victory Trump’s decision to break off the fiscal talks probably sealed his doom, but we would still maintain that a correct reading of the various political and economic constraints point toward a fiscal deal. Hence there is still some chance that a deal will be snatched from the jaws of defeat. At that point we would upgrade Trump’s chances to something closer to our election model. But it would not be bullish, as the market would need to price a higher risk of trade war. Subjectively Trump has a 35% chance of re-election, but our quant model flags a risk to this view. The market also must contend with COVID-19 risks (Charts 10A and 10B). Stimulus is necessary to prevent COVID-19 risks from hitting the market, as more distancing will be necessary in states where cases are rising. Chart 10ACOVID-19 Cases Rising Chart 10BCOVID-19 Hits Swing States The reason President Trump cut short the fiscal talks was to ensure that they would not interfere with the Senate’s ability to confirm his Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett. The confirmation hearings will go up for a floor vote in the Senate sometime around October 23, ensuring a massive constitutional brawl just ahead of the election. The dollar has more upside if Trump wins. Chart 11Risk: Trump Comeback Boosts The Greenback We do not expect this showdown to change the game, since boosting turnout among Trump’s conservative base will be insufficient in an election fought in the face of major national shocks that affect the median voter (pandemic, recession, social unrest). This election is already going to be a high turnout election – preliminary information suggests it could be the highest since 1908 at 65% of eligible voters2 — which means that Republicans will suffer from the leftward tilt of the median voter. However, if Trump’s polling improves between now and then – and if mFarkets inexplicably rally all month despite the withdrawal of fiscal support – then we could be surprised. Our quantitative model provides a basis for believing that Republicans are now underrated. This implies that the dollar has more upside in the near term as the risk of a contested election and/or a Trump second term, and hence another shock to the US political system and global trading system, must still be guarded against (Chart 11). Investment Takeaways The market faces near-term downside risk and volatility until the US fiscal support is restored. This is particularly the case as long as COVID-19 cases are not subdued. The rising odds of a blue sweep, our base case, is not sufficient to dampen volatility over the coming month. Depending on the election results, volatility will subside in November or January at the latest. Not only is a contested election a non-negligible risk – based on our quant model’s reading – but also President Trump will remain in office till January 20 and could easily dish out some negative surprises, particularly on China relations. Hence we are maintaining our tactical risk-off and safe-haven trades: long US treasuries, Japanese yen, US health care equipment stocks (which will outperform the overall sector amid the Democratic regulatory threat), and EUR-GBP volatility. Over the 12-month time frame, we have little doubt that the US adoption of debt monetization, in keeping with Chinese and global stimulus, will push equities and risky assets higher. The reflation trade remains the core of our strategic portfolio. Global stocks should outperform under a Biden presidency. Biden will be positive for global trade ex-China, as both US electoral politics and grand strategy will drive any administration to take a hard line on China, though Biden will not wield tariffs like Trump. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 See Matthew Green, "U.S. could adopt carbon tax under a Biden presidency, ex-Fed Chair Yellen says," Reuters, October 8, 2020, reuters.com; see also Group of Thirty, "Mainstreaming The Transition To A Net-Zero Economy," October 2020, group30.org. 2 See John Whitesides, "More than 4 million Americans have already voted, suggesting record turnout," Reuters, October 6, 2020, reuters.com.
Highlights Three tail risks will continue to dominate the FX market narrative in the coming weeks: The upcoming November elections, Brexit, and the new wave of COVID-19 infections. As such, markets remain vulnerable in the near term and the dollar will continue to benefit from safe-haven flows. That said, most sentiment and technical indicators suggest the dollar is undergoing a countertrend bounce rather than entering a new bull market. Stay short USD/JPY as a core holding. Look to rebuy a basket of Scandinavian currencies versus the USD and EUR at a trigger point of -2%. Overall, the DXY should continue to face significant headwinds in the 94-96 zone, as we have witnessed recently. Feature US political risk remains the key “white swan” risk for currency markets. Unfortunately for investors, this week’s US presidential debate was full of theatrics and low on content. CNN polling showed that former Vice President Joe Biden was the preferred candidate going into the debate, and emerged as the interim winner. To be sure, the CNN polls are biased, with more contribution from Democratic voters compared to Republican ones. That said, it certainly helped that despite President Donald Trump’s constant jawboning, the former Vice President appeared unfazed and managed to slip in some of the key points of his political campaign. A Debate Post-Mortem Chart I-1The Dollar And Political Uncertainty The political theater is likely to continue in the coming days. In terms of timelines, we have the Vice-Presidential debate on October 7 and the second and third Presidential debates on October 15 and October 22. But the most important dilemma for currency markets is not whether we have a Democratic or Republican victory, but if the US becomes the source of political uncertainty compared to the rest of the world. For almost two decades, the most important political driver of the dollar was whether uncertainty in the US was rising or falling relative to the rest of the world (Chart I-1). As markets begin to digest the political outcomes, the ultimate conclusion could be dollar bearish. Let’s start with what is priced in. Political uncertainty in the US has surged relative to the rest of the world as mentioned above. Part of the reason is that betting markets now expect a “blue wave” (Chart I-2). This was reinforced by the Presidential debates where former VP Biden was the preferred candidate (Chart I-3). A blue wave implies that Bidens wins the White House while Democrats gain control of the Senate, and retain the House. Chart I-2ABetting Markets Expect A Blue Wave Chart I-2BBetting Markets Expect A Blue Wave Chart I-3AFormer Vice President Joe Biden Was A Favorite Chart I-3BFormer Vice President Joe Biden Was A Favorite Such a victory will lead to massive fiscal stimulus, since Democratic leaders have been more aggressive in their demands for a greater government role in the economy. Bigger fiscal spending will lead to a higher US debt burden, widen the twin deficits and be only modestly positive for bond yields given that the Federal Reserve will anchor short term rates at zero. If US inflation takes off from increased aggregate demand, foreign bond investors are likely to continue fleeing the US market as real rates become even more negative, driving down the dollar in the process. Admittedly, there has been a small uptick in political uncertainty in the world relative to the US. President Donald Trump’s approval rating is closely correlated to the state of the economy and the US has been in a V-shaped recovery since the second quarter of this year. But as Chart I-2 shows, the probability of a Republican victory from betting markets has fallen recently. A Trump victory will ensure that the policies that have been favorable for markets since 2016 remain in place. Vice President Joe Biden’s hawkish tax policies, which he stuck with in the debate, will also be off the table. In terms of calculus, Senate Republicans may have to give in to more stimulus before the election to grease the wheels of the economy and support asset prices, which will otherwise fall and torpedo their chances. The most favorable outcome for markets could potentially be for Biden to clinch the White House and the Republicans to maintain control of the Senate. For one, it is likely that taxes will not go up as aggressively as Biden is proposing to raise them, while the likelihood of a global trade war will also fall. The dollar’s safe-haven bid will also fade, as capital starts to gravitate from the US towards other cheaper and beaten-up markets. What, then, are the bullish scenarios for the dollar? Chart I-4Swing State Wages Turning Up First, a failure to pass a stimulus bill will boost the dollar, hijack the recovery, and cause a setback to risk assets. Second, big swings in Trump’s approval ratings will raise the prospect of a contested election. According to our Chief Geopolitical Strategist Matt Gertken, his in-house quantitative election model now pins the probability of a Trump victory at almost 50%. Remarkably, Michigan has risen to the ranks of a toss-up state, as economic indicators have drastically improved. In a nutshell, a V-shaped recovery in wages for the swing states that voted for President Trump boost his chances (Chart I-4). However, these are likely short-term hiccups that will ultimately be resolved. The base case is still for a Democratic win, according to Matt. Either way, we will know who the US President is by December (or, worst case, by January) and a new fiscal bill is likely to be passed, regardless of who sits in the White House. Forward-looking financial markets, by then, will have stopped discounting political uncertainty as they currently are. Therefore, as we argued last week, we continue to pay heed to both sentiment and technical indicators that suggest the dollar is in a counter-trend bounce, rather than a renewed bull market. What About The COVID-19 Saga? Unfortunately for markets, the US presidential election is not the only source of uncertainty. As we approach the winter season in the northern hemisphere, the potential for a new wave of infections is rising. As we approach the winter season in the northern hemisphere, the potential for a new wave of infections is rising. We are already in full lockdown in Montreal, Quebec, where BCA Research's headquarters are located. Around the G10, a second wave is taking hold in the euro area, UK, and Canada. Even Norway and Switzerland, which had managed to keep the virus under wraps for most of the summer, are seeing a resurgence in cases. Infection trends remain favorable in Australia, Japan, New Zealand, and Sweden, probably due to previous localized lockdowns in most of these countries (Chart I-5). Chart I-5A New COVID-19 Wave The most direct impact for currency markets is relative economic growth. For much of the summer months, the US was under siege from a second wave while the Eurozone, and many other countries, were well into their reopening phases. This affected currency markets (Chart I-6). Specifically, the dollar declined as economic momentum was higher outside the US. More recently, improving relative economic performance between the US and other G10 countries has been a key catalyst behind the dollar’s recent strength (Chart I-7). Chart I-6Rising US Cases And A Fiscal Logjam Chart I-7The Dollar And Relative Growth Going forward, the potential impact from COVID-19 is likely to be much less than what many economies endured for the first half of 2020. There are a few reasons for this. The virus has become less deadly, as mortality rates across many countries have come down. This could be due to a higher incidence of infections among younger people, who are also healthier, or due to the widespread wearing of masks, which has helped mitigate the viral load. Governments are unlikely to introduce the kind of widespread lockdowns we saw during the onset of the outbreak. More likely are localized lockdowns, such as what we are experiencing here in Quebec, and stringent rules on sanitation and social distancing. We are closer to a vaccine than we were at the start of the year. According to Bio, an association of biotechnology and health care companies, there are currently 739 unique active compounds in development spanning the range from vaccines and antivirals to treatments for COVID-19. Almost 20 of these are in Phase 4 trial. Overall, there are 189 vaccines under trial, a big jump up from nil at the start of the year. Chart I-8Lots Of Fiscal Stimulus In Canada The big risk is that governments fail to provide fiscal help to bridge economies until the widespread availability of a vaccine. However, outside the US, that does not appear to be the case. For example, during his Throne Speech last week, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau vowed to do “whatever it takes” to support people and businesses throughout the crisis. The Liberal government has just followed up with a C$10 billion infrastructure spending plan. Fitch Ratings estimates that the budget deficit in Canada will still remain wide going into 2022 (Chart I-8). In Australia, the Liberal-National coalition government has also been very proactive, especially with the “Job Seeker” and “Job Keeper” scheme, which has provided a valuable cushion for domestic economic conditions. The IMF estimates the fiscal thrust in Australia will be positive in 2021. In the euro area, there is still a 750 billion euro stimulus package to be deployed, while France announced a 100 billion euro plan last month. The bottom line is that while the pandemic is likely to induce more shockwaves into markets, spending gridlock appears to be concentrated within the US. At a minimum, this will limit any upside bounce in the dollar, since it will hurt US economic growth relative to its G-10 peers. An Update On Brexit Chart I-9EUR/GBP Bets Are Lopsided As the pandemic returns in full force again in the UK, political uncertainty is also rising. Brussels is suing the UK on the new “internal market bill” that violates the Brexit withdrawal agreement. The key issue is still Northern Ireland. Last year, the agreement was that Ireland would remain bound to the EU’s customs and trade regime. The UK is seeking an amendment to be able to intervene, if there is “inconsistency or incompatibility with international or domestic law.” As we posited two weeks ago, it provided for UK discretion in state aid and the movement of goods to and from Northern Ireland, which the EU argues is a clear breach of the last year’s treaty. From the UK point of view, if there is no trade deal, why would it allow a division to emerge within its own national borders? It is remarkable that despite the ramp up in tensions, the GBP/USD remains well bid above 1.28. Odds of a “hard” Brexit have usually been associated with cable near 1.20. This suggests two things: Either we are in a new paradigm, where the dollar is winning the “ugly contest,” or the market is underestimating the potential for a hard Brexit. Fitch estimates that the budget deficit in Canada will still remain wide going into 2022. We subscribe to the former view. First, because the British government has nothing to gain from failing to agree to a trade deal, since the recession would only deepen, while it has much to lose, since the Scottish independence movement would likely gain steam. Second, risk reversals between cable and the euro are close to the post-referendum lows. This means that investors have already built significant put options on the pound, and call options on the euro (Chart I-9). Our base case remains that a deal will ultimately be reached. The UK side has a more resurgent pandemic to deal with, and will need to offer some concessions to ease economic volatility. Trade links between the two are also quite large. In terms of targets, cable will trade between 1.35-1.40 over the next six months. In an optimistic scenario, the pound could go 20%-25% higher. The pound is also cheap versus the euro — another sign that the market is not underestimating the no-deal exit risk. Ergo, shorting EUR/GBP (or being long EUR/GBP volatility) should be a good short-term bet on an eventual resolution. Investment Implications We continue to advocate for a prudent strategy when trading foreign exchange markets over the next few weeks: Hold some portfolio protection. Our preferred vehicle is the Japanese yen, which is cheap, although the pricier Swiss franc also make sense. Focus on trades at the crosses. We are short the NZD/CAD and EUR/GBP as a play on relative fundamentals, but are also looking to buy EUR/CHF on weakness and sell CAD/NOK on strength. We will discuss our CAD strategy in the coming weeks. Buy Scandinavian currencies if they drop another 2% versus an equal weighted basket of the euro and USD (Chart I-10). We initially took profits on this trade a fortnight ago, booking solid gains. Stay short the gold/silver ratio but tighten stops to 84. Chart I-10The Scandinavian Currencies Remain Cheap Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 Recent data from the US have been mostly positive: The ISM Manufacturing PMI marginally declined from 56 to 55.4 in September. The new orders component slipped but remained elevated at 60.2. The Dallas Fed Manufacturing Index increased from 8 to 13.6 in September. The Chicago Manufacturing Index surged from 51.2 to 62.4 in September. Durable goods orders increased by 0.4% month-on-month in August. Initial jobless claims increased by 837K for the week ending on September 25. The DXY index fell by 0.6% this week. Market uncertainty continues as the election draws closer and the number of COVID cases keeps rising. The New York Fed Staff Nowcast revised Q4 GDP downward to 5.05% from 7.28% earlier this month. While risks remain tilted to the downside, any positive news on a vaccine and stimulus could revive risk sentiment, which is negative for the US dollar. Report Links: The Message From Dollar Sentiment And Technical Indicators - Sept. 25, 2020 Addressing Client Questions - Sept. 4, 2020 A Simple Framework For Currencies - July 17, 2020 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 Recent data from the euro area have been mixed: The Economic Sentiment Indicator increased from 87.5 to 91.1 in September. The Producer Price Index declined by 2.5% year-on-year in August. The unemployment rate ticked slightly up from 8 to 8.1% in August. The euro rebounded by 0.7% against the US dollar this week. The latest EU Economic Sentiment Indicator suggests that the economy continues to recover, albeit at a slower speed than expected. The resurgence of COVID cases might also lead to downward revisions to the Q4 growth outlook, which could trigger further stimulus from the ECB. Report Links: Addressing Client Questions - September 4, 2020 On The DXY Breakout, Euro, And Swiss Franc - February 21, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Japanese Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 Recent data from Japan have been improving: Tokyo’s headline inflation declined from 0.3% to 0.2% year-on-year in September. Core inflation remained negative at -0.2% year-on-year. Vehicle sales contracted by 15.6% year-on-year in September. August saw a contraction of -18.5%. Industrial production rose by 1.7% month-on-month in August, while construction orders surged by 28.5% year-on-year in August. The Japanese yen has been flat against the US dollar this week. Japan’s Q3 Tankan Survey released this Thursday suggests that manufacturers’ sentiment has improved for the first time in three years, showing signs of a recovery supported by pent-up demand. The Japanese yen remains our favorite safe-haven hedge. Report Links: The Near-Term Bull Case For The Dollar - February 28, 2020 Building A Protector Currency Portfolio - February 7, 2020 Currency Market Signals From Gold, Equities And Flows - January 31, 2020 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 Recent data from the UK have been positive: The current account deficit narrowed from £20.8 billion to £2.8 billion in Q2. Nationwide housing prices increased by 5% year-on-year in September. Mortgage approvals surged by 84.7K in August. The British pound appreciated by 0.3% against the US dollar this week. The chief economist from the BoE, Andy Haldane, downplayed the possibility of negative interest rates in the UK in a speech on Wednesday. According to the speech, current conditions don’t warrant any further lowering of interest rates, which is positive for the British pound. Report Links: Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 A Few Trade Ideas - Sept. 27, 2019 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 Recent data from Australia have been positive: Building permits fell by 1.6% month-on-month in August, following a 12.2% surge in the previous month. On a year-on-year basis, the August figure grew by 0.6% compared to the same month last year. The AiG Manufacturing PMI slipped from 49.3 to 46.7 in September. However, the final Markit Manufacturing PMI ticked up from 53.6 to 55.4. The Australian dollar increased by 1.6% against the US dollar this week. COVID-19 cases in Australia remain at low levels. As such, the Aussie has benefitted tremendously from the reflation trade. We remain positive on the Aussie both at the crosses as well as versus the USD. Report Links: An Update On The Australian Dollar - September 18, 2020 On AUD And CNY - January 17, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 Recent data from New Zealand have been positive: Building permits increased by 0.3% month-on-month in August. The ANZ Business Confidence Index declined slightly from -26 to -28.5 in September, while the ANZ Activity Outlook Index improved from -9.9 to -5.4. The New Zealand dollar appreciated by 1.4% against the US dollar this week. While the New Zealand dollar might outperform the US dollar as the growth outlook improves, it remains likely to underperform at the crosses due to a more dovish RBNZ. Moreover, our FX model downgraded the kiwi to neutral for the month of October. Tactically, we are also short NZD/CAD. Report Links: Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Place A Limit Sell On DXY At 100 - November 15, 2019 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 Recent data from Canada have been positive: GDP expanded by 3% month-on-month in July. Building permits increased by 1.7% month-on-month in August. The Bloomberg Nanos confidence Index slightly ticked up from 53.1 to 53.2 for the week ending on September 25. The Canadian dollar increased by 0.7% against the US dollar this week. According to Statistics Canada, the economy expanded for a third consecutive month in July as more sectors reopened in the summer. Notably, all 20 industrial sectors posted gains in July. We continue to favor the Canadian dollar against the US dollar and will discuss the loonie more in-depth in the coming weeks. Report Links: Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 More On Competitive Devaluations, The CAD And The SEK - May 1, 2020 A New Paradigm For Petrocurrencies - April 10, 2020 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 Recent data from Switzerland have been mixed: The KOF Leading Indicator increased from 110.2 to 113.8 in September. Headline inflation increased from -0.9% to -0.8% year-on-year in September but remains deep in negative territory. Real retail sales increased by 2.5% year-on-year in August. Total sight deposits increased from CHF 703.9 billion to CHF 704.5 billion for the week ending on September 25. The Swiss franc appreciated by 1% against the US dollar this week. The KOF survey highlighted that Switzerland is in a V-shaped recovery. However, deflation remains pervasive, suggesting a strong franc could torpedo the recovery. We continue to expect the SNB to step up the pace of intervention, and are buyers of EUR/CHF on weakness. Report Links: On The DXY Breakout, Euro, And Swiss Franc - February 21, 2020 Currency Market Signals From Gold, Equities And Flows - January 31, 2020 Portfolio Tweaks Before The Chinese New Year - January 24, 2020 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 Recent data from Norway have been positive: Real retail sales expanded by 8.2% year-on-year, following a 13.8% surge the previous month. The Norwegian krone rose by 2.2% against the US dollar this week. The latest data from Statistics Norway showed strength in retail sales across various categories, especially in household equipment, recreational goods, food and beverages. We remain NOK bulls based on our positive energy price outlook, the resilience in domestic demand and a less dovish central bank. Report Links: Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 A New Paradigm For Petrocurrencies - April 10, 2020 Building A Protector Currency Portfolio - February 7, 2020 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 Recent data from Sweden have been positive: The Swedbank Manufacturing PMI increased from 53.4 to 55.3 in September. Retail sales grew by 3% year-on-year in August. Consumer confidence increased from 85.1 to 88.3 in September. The trade balance shifted from a surplus of SEK 4 billion to a deficit of 1.6 billion in August. The Swedish krona rebounded by 1.6% against the US dollar this week. We continue to like the Swedish krona along with the Norwegian krone. We are looking to purchase the Nordic basket again at a 2% discount relative to last week’s price levels. Stay tuned. Report Links: Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Where To Next For The US Dollar? - June 7, 2019 Kelly Zhong Research Analyst Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders Closed Trades
Dear Client, We are sending you our Quarterly Strategy Outlook today, where we outline our thoughts on the macro landscape and the direction of financial markets for the rest of the year and beyond. We will also be hosting a webcast on Thursday, October 1st at 10:00 AM EDT (3:00 PM BST, 4:00 PM CEST, 10:00 PM HKT) where we will discuss the outlook. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Highlights Macroeconomic outlook: Global growth faces near-term challenges from a resurgence in the pandemic and the failure of the US Congress to pass a stimulus deal. However, growth should revive next year as a vaccine becomes available and fiscal policy turns stimulative again. Global asset allocation: Favor equities over bonds on a 12-month horizon, while maintaining somewhat larger than normal cash positions in the short run that can be deployed if stocks resume their correction. Equities: Prepare to pivot from the “Pandemic trade” to the “Reopening trade.” Vaccine optimism should pave the way for cyclicals to outperform defensives, international stocks to outperform their US peers, and for value to outperform growth. Fixed income: Bond yields will rise modestly, suggesting that investors should maintain below average duration exposure. Favor inflation-protected securities over nominal bonds. Spread product will outperform safe government bonds. Currencies: The US dollar will weaken over the next 12 months. The collapse in interest rate differentials, stronger global growth, and a widening US trade deficit are all bearish for the greenback. Commodities: Rising demand and constrained supply will support oil prices, while Chinese stimulus will buoy industrial metals. Investors should buy gold and other real assets as a hedge against long-term inflation risk. I. Macroeconomic Outlook Policy And The Pandemic Will Continue To Drive Markets Going into the fourth quarter of 2020, we are tactically neutral on global equities but remain overweight stocks and other risk assets on a 12-month horizon. As has been the case for much of the year, both the virus and the policy response to the pandemic will continue to be key drivers of market returns. Coronavirus: Still Spreading Fast, But Less Deadly On the virus front, the global number of daily new cases continues to trend higher, with the 7-day average reaching a record high of nearly 300,000 this week (Chart 1). Chart 1Globally, The Number Of Daily New Cases Continues To Trend Higher The number of daily new cases in the EU has risen above its April peak. Spain and France have been particularly hard hit. Canada is also seeing a pronounced rise in new cases. In the US, the number of new cases peaked in July. However, the 7-day average has been creeping up since early September, raising the risk of a third wave. On the positive side, mortality rates in most countries remain well below their spring levels. There is no clear consensus as to why the virus has become less lethal. Better medical treatments, including the use of low-cost steroids, have certainly helped. A shift in the incidence of cases towards younger, healthier people has also lowered the overall mortality rate. In addition, there is some evidence that the virus may be evolving to be more contagious but less deadly.1 It would not be surprising if that were the case. After all, a virus that kills its host will also kill itself. Lastly, pervasive mask wearing may be mitigating the severity of the disease by reducing the initial viral load that infected individuals receive.2 A smaller initial dose gives the immune system more time to launch an effective counterattack. It has even been speculated that the widespread use of masks may be acting as a form of “variolation.” Prior to the invention of vaccines, variolation was used to engender natural immunity. Perhaps most famously, upon taking command of the Continental Army in 1775, George Washington had all his troops exposed to small amounts of smallpox.3 The gamble worked. The US ended up winning the Revolutionary War, making Washington the first president of the new republic. Waiting For A Vaccine Despite the decline in mortality rates, there is still much that remains unknown about Covid-19, including the extent to which the disease will lead to long-term damage to the vascular and nervous systems. Thus, while governments are unlikely to impose the same sort of severe lockdown measures that they implemented in March, rising case counts will delay reopening plans, and in many cases, lead to the reintroduction of stricter social distancing rules. Chart 2Some States Have Started To Relax Lockdown Measures This has already happened in a number of countries. The UK reinstated more stringent regulations over social gatherings last week, including ordering pubs and restaurants to close by 10pm. Spain has introduced tougher mobility restrictions in Madrid and surrounding municipalities. France ordered gyms and restaurants to close for two weeks. Canada has also tightened regulations, with the government of Quebec raising the alert level to maximum “red alert” in several regions of the province. In the US, the share of the population living in states that were in the process of relaxing lockdown measures has risen above 50% for the first time since July (Chart 2). A third wave would almost certainly forestall the recent reopening trend. Ultimately, a safe and effective vaccine will be necessary to defeat the virus. Fortunately, about half of experts polled by the Good Judgment Project expect a vaccine to become available by the first quarter of 2021. Only 2% expect there to be no vaccine available by April 2022, down from over 50% in May (Chart 3). Chart 3When Will A Vaccine Become Available? Premature Fiscal Tightening And The Risk of Second-Round Effects Even if a vaccine becomes available early next year, there is a danger that the global economy will have suffered enough damage over the intervening months to forestall a rapid recovery. Whenever an economy suffers an adverse shock, a feedback loop can develop where rising joblessness leads to less spending, leading to even more joblessness. Fiscal stimulus can short-circuit this vicious circle by providing households with adequate income to maintain spending. Fiscal policy in the major economies turned expansionary within weeks of the onset of the pandemic (Chart 4). In the US, real personal income growth actually accelerated in the spring because transfers from the government more than offset the loss in wage and salary compensation (Chart 5). Chart 4Fiscal Policy Has Been Very Stimulative This Year Chart 5Personal Income Accelerated Earlier This Year Chart 6Drastic Drop In Weekly Unemployment Insurance Payments Starting in August, US fiscal policy turned less accommodative. Chart 6 shows that regular weekly unemployment payments have fallen from around $25 billion to $8 billion since the end of July. At an annualized rate, this amounts to over 4% of GDP in fiscal tightening. While President Trump signed an executive order redirecting some of the money that had been earmarked for the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) to be given to unemployed workers, the available funding will run out within the next month or so. On top of that, the funds in the small business Paycheck Protection Program have been used up, while many state and local governments face a severe cash crunch. US households saved a lot going into the autumn, so a sudden stop in spending is unlikely. Nevertheless, fissures in the economy are widening. Core retail sales contracted in August for the first time since April. Consumer expectations of future income growth remain weak (Chart 7). Permanent job losses are rising faster than they did during the Great Recession (Chart 8). Both corporate bankruptcy and mortgage delinquency rates are moving up, while bank lending standards have tightened significantly (Chart 9). Chart 7Consumer Expectations Of Future Income Growth Remain Weak Chart 8Permanent Job Losses Are Rising Faster Than They Did During The Great Recession Chart 9Corporate Bankruptcy And Mortgage Delinquency Rates Are Moving Up … While Bank Lending Standards Have Tightened Significantly Fiscal Stimulus Will Return We ultimately expect US fiscal policy to turn accommodative again. There is no appetite for fiscal austerity. Both political parties are moving in a more populist direction, which usually signals larger budget deficits. Even among Republicans, more registered voters support extending emergency federal unemployment insurance payments than oppose it (Chart 10). Chart 10There Is Much Public Support For Fiscal Stimulus As long as interest rates stay low, there will be little market pressure to trim budget deficits. US real rates remain in negative territory. Despite a rising debt stock, the Congressional Budget Office expects net interest payments to decline towards 1% of GDP over the span of the next couple of years, thus reaching the lowest level in six decades (Chart 11). Outside the US, there has been little movement towards tightening fiscal policy. The UK government unveiled last week a fresh round of economic and fiscal measures to help ease the burden on both employees, by subsidizing part-time work for example, and firms, by extending government-guaranteed loan programs. At the beginning of the month, the Macron government announced a 100 billion euro stimulus plan in France. Meanwhile, European leaders are moving forward on a euro area-wide 750 billion euro stimulus package that was announced this summer. In Japan, the new Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga has indicated that he will pursue a third budget to fight the economic downturn, adding that “there is no limit to the amount of bonds the government can issue to support an economy battered by the coronavirus pandemic.” The Japanese government now earns more interest than it pays because two-thirds of all Japanese debt bears negative yields (Chart 12). At least for now, a big debt burden is actually good for the Japanese government’s finances! Chart 11Low Interest Payments Amid Skyrocketing Debt In The US Chart 12Japan: Ballooning Debt And Declining Interest Payments China also continues to stimulate its economy. Jing Sima, BCA’s chief China strategist, expects the broad-measure fiscal deficit to reach a record 8% of GDP this year and remain elevated into next year. The annual change in total social financing – a broad measure of Chinese credit formation – is expected to hit 35% of GDP, just shy of its GFC peak (Chart 13). Not surprisingly, the Chinese economy is responding well to all this stimulus. Sales of floor space rose 40% year-over-year in August, driven by a close to 60% jump in Tier-1 cities. Excavator sales, a leading indicator for construction spending, are up 51% over last year’s levels, while industrial profits have jumped 19%. A resurgent Chinese economy has historically been closely associated with rising global trade (Chart 14). Chart 13China Continues To Stimulate Its Economy Chart 14Chinese Economic Rebound Has Historically Been Closely Associated With Rising Global Trade Biden Or Trump: How Will Financial Markets React? Betting markets expect former Vice President Joe Biden to become president and for the Democrats to gain control of the Senate (Chart 15). A “blue wave” would produce more fiscal spending in the next few years. Recall that House Democrats passed a $3.5 trillion stimulus bill in May that was quickly rejected by Senate Republicans. More recently, Democratic leaders have suggested they would approve a stimulus deal in the range of $2-to-$2.5 trillion. Chart 15Betting Markets Putting Their Money On The Democrats In addition to more pandemic-related stimulus, Joe Biden has also proposed a variety of longer-term spending initiatives. These include $2 trillion in infrastructure spending spread over four years, a $700 billion “Made in America” plan that would increase federal procurement of domestically produced goods and services, and new spending proposals worth about 1.7% of GDP per annum centered on health care, housing, education, and child and elder care. As president, Joe Biden would likely take a less confrontational stance towards relations with China. While rolling back tariffs would not be an immediate priority for a Biden administration, it could happen later in 2021. Less welcome for investors would be an increase in taxes. Joe Biden has proposed raising taxes by $4 trillion over ten years (about 1.5% of cumulative GDP). Slightly less than half of that consists of higher personal taxes on both regular income (for taxpayers earning more than $400,000 per year) and capital gains (for tax filers with over $1 million in income). The other half consists of increased business taxes, mainly in the form of a hike in the corporate tax rate from 21% to 28% and the introduction of a minimum 15% tax on the global book income of US-based companies. Netting it out, a blue sweep in November would probably be neutral-to-slightly negative for equities. What about government bonds? Our guess is that Treasury yields would rise modestly in response to a blue wave, particularly at the longer end of the yield curve. Additional fiscal support would boost aggregate demand, implying that it would take less time for the economy to reach full employment. That said, interest rate expectations are unlikely to rise as sharply as they did in late 2016 following Donald Trump‘s victory. Back then, the Fed was primed to raise rates – it hiked rates nine times starting in December 2015, ultimately bringing the fed funds rate to 2.5% by end-2018. This time around, the Fed is firmly on hold, with the vast majority of FOMC members expecting policy rates to stay at rock-bottom levels until at least 2023. The Fed’s New Tune In two important respects, the Fed’s new Monetary Policy Framework (MPF) represents a sharp break with the past. Chart 16The Mechanics Of Price-Level Targeting First, the MPF abandons the Fed’s historic reliance on a Taylor Rule-style framework, which prescribes lifting rates whenever the unemployment rate declines towards its equilibrium level. Second, the MPF eschews the “let bygones be bygones” approach of past monetary policymaking. Going forward, the Fed will try to maintain an average level of inflation of 2% over the course of the business cycle. This means that if inflation falls below 2%, the Fed will try to engineer a temporary inflation overshoot in order to bring the price level back up to its 2%-per-year upward trend (Chart 16). Some aspects of the Fed’s new strategy are both timely and laudable. A Taylor rule approach makes sense when there is a clear relationship between inflation and the unemployment rate, as governed by the so-called Phillips curve. However, if inflation fails to rise in response to declining economic slack – as has been the case in recent years – central banks may find themselves at a loss in determining where the neutral rate of interest lies. In this case, it might be preferable to keep interest rates at very low levels until the economy begins to overheat. Such a strategy would avoid the risk of raising rates prematurely, only to discover that they are too high for what the economy can handle. Targeting an average rate of inflation also has significant merit. When investors purchase long-term bonds, they run the risk that the real value of those bonds will deviate significantly from initial expectations when the bonds mature. If inflation surprises on the upside, the bonds will end up being worth less to the lender as measured by the quantity of goods and services that they can be exchanged for. If inflation surprises on the downside, borrowers could find themselves facing a larger real debt burden than they had anticipated. An inflation targeting system that corrects for past inflation surprises could give both borrowers and lenders greater certainty about the future price level. This, in turn, could reduce the inflation risk premium embedded in long-term bond yields, leading to a more efficient allocation of economic resources. In addition, an average inflation targeting system could make the zero lower bound constraint less vexing by keeping long-term inflation expectations from slipping below the central bank’s target. This would give the central bank more traction over monetary policy. A Bias Towards Higher Inflation Despite the advantages of the Fed’s new approach, it faces a number of hurdles, some practical and some political. On the practical side, it may turn out that the Phillips curve, rather than being flat, is kinked at a fairly low level of unemployment. Theoretically, that would not be too surprising. If I have 100 apples for sale and you want to buy 60, I have no incentive to raise prices. Even if you wanted to buy 80 apples, I would have no incentive to raise prices. However, if you wanted to buy 105 apples, then I would have an incentive to raise my selling price. The point is that inflation could remain stubbornly dormant as slack slowly disappears, only to rocket higher once full employment has been reached. Since changes in monetary policy only affect the economy with a lag, the central bank could find itself woefully behind the curve, scrambling to contain rising inflation. This is precisely what happened during the 1960s (Chart 17). Chart 17Inflation Started Accelerating Quickly Only When Unemployment Reached Very Low Levels In The 1960s Chart 18Something Has Always Happened To Preempt Overheating Over the past three decades, something always happened that kept the US economy from overheating (Chart 18). The unemployment rate reached a 50-year low in 2019. Inflation may have moved higher this year had it not been for the fact that the global economy was clotheslined by the pandemic. In 2007, the economy was heating up only to be sandbagged by the housing bust. In 2000, the bursting of the dotcom bubble helped reverse incipient inflationary pressures. But just because the economy did not have a chance to overheat at any time over the past 30 years does not mean it cannot happen in the future. The Political Economy Of Higher Inflation On the political side, average inflation targeting assumes that central banks will be just as willing to tolerate inflation undershoots as overshoots. This could be a faulty assumption. Generating an inflation overshoot requires that interest rates be kept low enough to enable unemployment to fall below its full employment level. That is likely to be politically popular. Generating an inflation undershoot, in contrast, requires restrictive monetary policy and rising unemployment. More joblessness would not sit well with workers. High interest rates could also damage the stock market and depress home prices, while forcing debt-saddled governments to shift more spending from social programs to bondholders. None of that will be politically popular. If central banks are quick to allow inflation overshoots but slow to engineer inflation undershoots, the result could be structurally higher inflation. Markets are not pricing in such an outcome (Chart 19). Chart 19Markets Are Not Pricing In Structurally Higher Inflation II. Financial Markets Global Asset Allocation: Despite Near-Term Dangers, Overweight Equities On A 12-Month Horizon An acceleration in the number of COVID-19 cases and the rising probability that the US Congress will fail to pass a stimulus bill before the November election could push equities and other risk assets lower in the near term. Investors should maintain somewhat larger than normal cash positions in the short run that can be deployed if stocks resume their correction. Chart 20The Decline In US Real Yields Since March Has Largely Offset The Rise In Stock Prices Provided that progress continues to be made towards developing a vaccine and US fiscal policy eventually turns stimulative again, stocks will regain their footing, rising about 15% from current levels over a 12-month horizon. Negative real bond yields will continue to support stocks (Chart 20). The 30-year TIPS yield has fallen by over 90 basis points in 2020. Even if one assumes that it will take the rest of the decade for S&P 500 earnings to return to their pre-pandemic trend, the deep drop in the risk-free component of the discount rate has still raised the present value of future S&P 500 cash flows by nearly 20% since the start of the year (Chart 21). Chart 21The Present Value Of Earnings: A Scenario Analysis Thanks to these exceptionally low real bond yields, equity risk premia remain elevated (Chart 22). The TINA mantra reverberates throughout the investment world: There Is No Alternative to stocks. To get a sense of just how powerful TINA is, consider the fact that the dividend yield on the S&P 500 currently stands at 1.67%. That may not sound like much, but it is still a full percentage point higher than the paltry 0.67% yield on the 10-year Treasury note (Chart 23). Chart 22Equity Risk Premia Remain Elevated Chart 23S&P 500 Dividend Yield Is Above The Treasury Yield Imagine having to decide whether to place your money either in an S&P 500 index fund or a 10-year Treasury note. Dividends-per-share paid by S&P 500 companies have almost always increased over time. However, even if we make the pessimistic assumption that dividends-per-share remain unchanged for the next ten years, the value of the S&P 500 would still have to fall by 10% over the next decade to equal the return on the 10-year note. Assuming that inflation averages around 1.9% over this period, the real value of the S&P 500 would need to drop by 25%. The picture is even more dramatic outside the US. In the euro area, the index would have to fall by over 30% in real terms for investors to make more money in bonds than stocks. In the UK, it would need to fall by over 50% (Chart 24). Chart 24 (I)Stocks Would Need To Fall A Lot For Equities To Underperform Bonds Chart 24 (II)Stocks Would Need To Fall A Lot For Equities To Underperform Bonds A Weaker US Dollar Favors International Stocks Outside the US, price-earnings ratios are lower, while equity risk premia are higher. Cheap valuations are usually not enough to justify a high-conviction investment call, however. One also needs a catalyst. Three potential catalysts could help propel international stocks higher over the next 12 months, while also giving value stocks and economically-sensitive equity sectors a boost: A weaker US dollar; the end of the pandemic; and a recovery in bank shares. Let’s start with the dollar. The US dollar faces a number of headwinds over the coming months. First, interest rate differentials have moved sharply against the greenback (Chart 25). Second, as a countercyclical currency, the dollar is likely to weaken as the global economy improves (Chart 26). Third, the current account deficit is rising again. It jumped over 50% from $112 billion in Q1 to $170 billion in Q2. According to the Atlanta Fed GDPNow model, the trade balance is set to widened further in Q3. This deterioration in the dollar’s fundamentals is occurring against a backdrop where the currency remains 11% overvalued based on purchasing power parity exchange rates (Chart 27). Chart 25Interest Rate Differentials Have Moved Sharply Against The Greenback A weaker dollar is usually good for commodity prices and cyclical stocks (Chart 28). In general, commodity producers and cyclical stocks are overrepresented outside the US. Chart 26The Dollar Is Likely To Weaken As The Global Economy Improves Chart 27USD Remains Overvalued Chart 28A Weaker Dollar Is Usually Good For Commodity Prices And Cyclical Stocks BCA’s chief energy strategist Bob Ryan expects Brent to average $65/bbl in 2021, $21/bbl above what the market is anticipating. Ongoing Chinese stimulus should also buoy metal prices. A falling greenback helps overseas borrowers – many of whom are in emerging markets – whose loans are denominated in dollars but whose revenues are denominated in the local currency. It is thus no surprise that non-US stocks tend to outperform their US peers when global growth is strengthening and the dollar is weakening (Chart 29). Chart 29Non-US Equities Tend To Outperform Their US Peers When Global Growth Is Improving And The Dollar Is Weakening The outperformance of non-US stocks in soft dollar environments is particularly pronounced when returns are measured in common-currency terms. From the perspective of US-based investors, a weaker dollar raises the dollar value of overseas sales and profits, justifying higher valuations for international stocks. From the perspective of overseas investors, a weaker dollar reduces the local currency value of US sales and profits, implying a lower valuation for US stocks. This helps explain why European stocks tend to outperform their US counterparts when the euro is rising, even though a stronger euro hurts the European economy. It’s Value’s Turn To Shine Value stocks have often outperformed growth stocks when the US dollar has been weakening and global growth strengthening. Recall that value stocks did poorly during the late 1990s, a period of dollar strength and economic turbulence throughout the EM world. In contrast, value stocks did well between 2001 and 2007, a period during which the dollar was generally on the back foot. The relationship between value stocks, the dollar, and global growth broke down this summer. Growth stocks continued to pull ahead, even though global growth turned a corner and the dollar began to weaken. There are two reasons why this happened. First, investors were too slow to price in the windfall that growth stocks in the tech and health care sectors would end up receiving from the pandemic. Second, rather than rising in response to better economic growth data, real rates fell during the summer months. A falling discount rate benefits growth stocks more than value stocks because the former generate more of their earnings farther into the future. The tentative outperformance of value stocks in September suggests that the tables may have turned for the value/growth trade. Retail sales at physical stores are rebounding, while online sales growth is coming down from highly elevated levels (Chart 30). Bank of America estimates that US e-commerce penetration doubled in just a few short months earlier this year. Some “reversion to the trend” is likely, even if that trend does favor online stores over the long haul. Chart 30Are Brick-And Mortar Retailers Coming Back To Life? Chart 31The Pandemic Has Caused Global Server And PC Shipments To Surge Meanwhile, PC shipments soared during the pandemic as companies and workers rushed out to buy computer gear to allow them to work from home (Chart 31). To the extent that this caused some spending to be brought forward, it could create an air pocket in tech demand over the next few quarters. A third wave of the virus in the US and ongoing second waves elsewhere could give growth stocks a boost once more, but the benefits are likely to be short-lived. If a vaccine becomes available early next year, investors will pivot from the “pandemic trade” to the “reopening trade.” The “reopening trade” will support companies such as banks, hotels, and transports that were crushed by lockdown measures and which are overrepresented in value indices. From a valuation perspective, value stocks are cheaper now compared to growth stocks than at any point in history – even cheaper than at the height of the dotcom bubble (Chart 32). Chart 32Value Stocks Are Extremely Cheap Relative To Growth Stocks The lofty valuations that growth stocks enjoy can be justified if the mega-cap tech companies that dominate the growth indices continue to increase earnings for many years to come. However, it is far from clear that this will happen. Close to three-quarters of US households already have an Amazon Prime account. Slightly over half have a Netflix account. Nearly 70% have a Facebook account. Google commands 92% of the internet search market. Together, sites owned by Google and Facebook generate about 60% of all online advertising revenue. While all of these companies dominate their markets, this could change. At one point during the dotcom bubble, Palm’s market capitalization was over six times greater than Apple’s. The Blackberry superseded the PalmPilot; the iPhone, in turn, superseded the Blackberry. History suggests that many of today’s technological leaders will end up as laggards. Investors looking to find the next tech leader can focus on smaller, fast growing companies. Unfortunately, picking winners in this space is easier said than done. History suggests that investors tend to overpay for growth, especially among small caps. Based on data compiled by Eugene Fama and Kenneth French, small cap growth stocks have lagged small cap value stocks by an average of 6.4% per year on a market-cap weighted basis, and by 10.4% on an equal-weighted basis, since 1970 (Table 1). Table 1Small Caps Vis-A-Vis Large Caps: Comparison of Total Returns Bank On Banks Financial stocks are heavily overrepresented in value indices (Table 2). Banks have made significant provisions against bad loans this year. If global growth recovers in 2021 once a vaccine becomes available, some of these provisions will end up being released, boosting profits in the process. Table 2Breaking Down Growth And Value By Sector Chart 33Modestly Higher Bond Yields Will Benefit Bank Shares A stabilization in bond yields should also help bank shares. Chart 33 shows that a fall in bank stocks vis-à-vis the overall market has closely matched the decline in bond yields. While we do not think that central banks will tighten monetary policy in the next few years, nominal bond yields should still drift modestly higher as output gaps narrow. What about the outlook for bank earnings? A massive new credit boom is not in the cards in any major economy. Nevertheless, it should be noted that global bank EPS was able to return to its long-term trend in 2019, until being slammed again this year by the pandemic (Chart 34). Global bank book value-per-share was 30% higher in 2019 compared to GFC highs (even though price-per-share was 30% lower). Chart 34Global Bank EPS Was Able To Return To Its Pre-GFC Peak In 2019 Until The Pandemic Hit Chart 35European Bank Earnings Estimates Have Lagged Credit Growth Admittedly, the global numbers disguise a lot of regional variation. While US banks were able to bring EPS back to its prior peak, and Canadian banks were able to easily surpass it, European bank EPS was still 70% below its pre-GFC highs in 2019. The launch of the common currency in 1999 set off a massive credit boom across much of Europe, leaving European banks dangerously overleveraged. The GFC and the subsequent European sovereign debt crisis led to a spike in bad loans, necessitating numerous rounds of dilutive capital raises. At this point, however, European bank balance sheets are in much better shape. If EPS simply returns to its 2019 levels, European banks will trade at a generous earnings yield of close to 20%. That may not be such a hurdle to cross. Chart 35 shows that European bank earnings estimates have fallen far short of what would be expected from current credit growth. If, on top of all this, European banks are able to muster some sustained earnings growth thanks to somewhat steeper yield curves and further cost-cutting and consolidation, investors who buy banks today will be rewarded with outsized returns over the long haul. Fixed Income: What Is Least Ugly? As noted above, a rebound in global growth should push up both equity prices and bond yields. As such, we would underweight fixed income within a global asset allocation framework. Within the fixed income bracket, investors should favor inflation-protected securities over nominal bonds. They should underweight government bonds in favor of a modest overweight to spread product. Spreads are quite low but could sink further if economic activity revives faster than anticipated. The upper quality tranche of high-yield corporates, which are benefiting from central bank purchases, have an especially attractive risk-reward profile. EM debt should also fare well in a weaker dollar, stronger growth environment (Chart 36). Chart 36BB-Rated And EM Debt Offer Reasonable Risk-Reward Profiles Given that some investors have no choice but to own developed economy government bonds, which countries or regions should they buy from within this category? Chart 37 shows the 3-year trailing yield betas for several major developed bond markets. In general, the highest-yielding currencies (US and Canada) also have the highest betas, implying that their yields rise the most when global bond yields are rising and vice versa. Chart 37High-Yielding Bond Markets Are The Most Cyclical In economies such as Europe and Japan where the neutral rate of interest is stuck deep below the zero bound, better economic news is unlikely to lift policy rate expectations by very much. After all, the optimal policy rate would still be above its neutral level even if better economic data brought the neutral rate from say, -4% to -3%. In contrast, when the neutral rate is close to zero or even positive, better economic data can lift medium-to-long-term interest rate expectations more meaningfully. As such, we would underweight US Treasurys and Canadian bonds, while overweighting Japanese government bonds (JGBs) over a 12-month horizon. On a currency-hedged basis, which is what most bond investors focus on, 10-year JGBs yield only 20 basis points less than US Treasurys (Table 3). This lower yield is more than offset by the risk that Treasury yields will rise more than yields on JGBs. Table 3Bond Markets Across The Developed World The End Game What will end the bull market in stocks? As is often the case, the answer is tighter monetary policy. The good news is tight money is not an imminent risk. The Fed will not hike rates at least until 2023, and it will take even longer than that for interest rates to rise elsewhere in the world. The bad news is that the day of reckoning will eventually arrive and when it does, bond yields will soar and stocks will tumble. Investors who want to hedge against this risk should consider owning more real assets. As was the case during the 1970s, farmland will do well from rising inflation. Suburban real estate will also benefit from more people working from home and, if recent trends persist, rising crime in urban areas. Gold should also do well. The yellow metal has come down from its August highs, but should benefit from a weaker dollar over the coming months, and ultimately, from a more stagflationary environment later this decade. Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 “More infectious coronavirus mutation may be 'a good thing', says disease expert,” Reuters, August 17, 2020. 2 Nina Bai, ”One More Reason to Wear a Mask: You’ll Get Less Sick From COVID-19,” University of California San Francisco, July 31, 2020. 3 Dave Roos, “How Crude Smallpox Inoculations Helped George Washington Win the War,” History.com, May 18, 2020. Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Current MacroQuant Model Scores
Highlights Senate Republicans would be suicidal not to agree to a fiscal relief bill before the election. Democrats are still offering a $2.2 trillion package. Grassroots Republican voters will forgive Republicans for blowing out the budget deficit but they will never forgive them for throwing away control of the White House and Senate. Nevertheless financial markets face more downside until a deal is reached. We are booking gains on several of our tactical risk-off trades but will hold our strategic risk-on trades, as we are still constructive over a 12-month period. Turkey is stepping back from its foreign adventurism in the face of constraints. Our GeoRisk Indicator for Turkey has rolled over. Feature Financial markets continue to sell off in the face of a range of risks, including new threats of COVID-19 restrictions in Europe, an increase in daily new cases of the disease in the United States (Chart 1), and the US Congress’s problems passing a new round of fiscal relief. Chart 1Increase In COVID-19 Cases Among Factors Weighing On Markets Chart 2Congress Will Pass Stimulus ~$2-$2.5 Trillion Since May, when the Democrats passed the $3.4 trillion HEROES Act, we have maintained that “stimulus hiccups” would roil the market. However, we also argued that Congress would eventually pass a new package – probably in the range of $2-$2.5 trillion (Chart 2).1 The latter part of this view remains to be seen and has come under pressure from investors who fear that Congress could fail to produce a bill entirely. We are sticking with our guns. GOP senators will recognize that they face sweeping election losses; House Democrats will not be able to reverse course and deprive households of badly needed assistance. However, stock investors might sell more between now and the final deal, which must be done by around October 9 so that lawmakers can go back to their home states to campaign for the November 3 election. Moreover the fiscal deal might not come in time to save the Republicans’ re-election bid in the White House and Senate, which raises further downside risk due to the Democratic agenda of re-regulation and tax hikes. And the election’s aftershocks could also be market-negative. For example, President Trump could also escalate the conflict with China, whether as the “comeback kid” or as a lame duck. Therefore this week we are booking some gains. We will not recommend a tactical risk-on position until our fiscal view is confirmed and we can reassess. US Fiscal Stimulus Is Coming Chart 3Republicans Highly Unlikely To Win House Of Representatives Why would Democrats agree to a stimulus bill given that it could help President Trump and the Republicans get re-elected? Democrats are afraid to deprive households of relief amid a crisis merely to spite the president and score election points. Around 28-43 of Democrats in the House of Representatives face re-election in districts that are competitive or could become competitive. Republicans need a net gain of 20 seats to retake the House (Chart 3). If Democrats offer to cooperate yet Republican senators balk, then the latter will take the blame for any failed deal and ensuing financial turmoil. The experience of other fiscal cliffs bears this out. The debt ceiling crises of 2011 and 2013 and the government shutdowns of 2013 and 2018-19 all suggest that net presidential and congressional approval ratings suffer when partisanship prevents compromise on major fiscal issues (Charts 4A and 4B). This is a risk for the ruling GOP. All Democrats have to do is remain open to compromise. Net presidential and congressional approval ratings suffer when partisanship prevents compromise on major fiscal issues – a risk for the ruling GOP. Chart 4AFiscal Failures Pose A Risk To Ruling GOP Chart 4BFiscal Failures Pose A Risk To Ruling GOP Confirming this reasoning, Democrats joined with Republicans this week to pass a continuing resolution to maintain government spending levels through December 11, thus avoiding a government shutdown. Clearly the two parties can still cooperate despite record levels of partisanship. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi ruled out using government shutdown as a weapon to hurt the Republicans, fearing it would backfire. And just last week vulnerable House members pressured Pelosi into stating that the House will remain in session in October until a fiscal relief bill is passed. Democrats remain committed to their current plan – solidifying their grip on the House and demonstrating that they can govern, and that government can do more for households, by passing bills. This is still the strategy even if the risk is that these bills give Trump a marginal benefit. The Democratic demand is for a very large fiscal package – House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is today offering $2.2 trillion, a compromise from the initial $3.4 trillion bill (Table 1). A smaller bill is harder to negotiate because it would cut the House Democrats’ spending priorities for their constituents, including around $1 trillion in state and local government aid, while still giving Trump a bounce in opinion polls for boosting pandemic relief. This is unacceptable – and this is how a policy mistake could happen. Table 1What A Fiscal Compromise Will Look Like Chart 5Senate Republicans Face A Hotly Contested Election Chart 6Republican Senators' Hung Up On Future Deficit Concerns Senate Republicans face a hotly contested election – with 23 of them up for re-election versus only 12 Democrats. However, 30 of them are not up for re-election this year (Chart 5). These senators fear the eventual return of deficit concerns among the Republican base so they are bargaining to limit emergency spending (Chart 6). Until they can be cajoled by their fellow senators and the White House, they pose a risk to the passage of new stimulus. But this risk is overrated. Ultimately Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and the Senate Republicans will capitulate. It is political suicide if they do not. The GOP will lose control of the Senate and the White House if premature fiscal tightening sparks a bloody September-October selloff just ahead of the election (Charts 7Aand 7B). Chart 7AStocks Sell, Bonds Rally … When Congress Goes Off Fiscal Cliff Chart 7BStocks Sell, Bonds Rally … When Congress Goes Off Fiscal Cliff Chart 8Trump Compares Poorly To Other Presidents Re-Elected Amid Recession Only three out of six presidents in modern times have been re-elected when a recession struck during the election year yet ended prior to the fall campaign. These were William McKinley in 1900, Teddy Roosevelt in 1904, and Calvin Coolidge in 1924.2 Trump faces the same scenario, but financial markets are signaling that Trump is not faring as well as these three predecessors (Chart 8). The Senate races are all on a knife’s edge (Chart 9). American politics are highly nationalized – partisan identification overrides regional concerns. President Trump has also personalized his political party, making the election a referendum on himself (Chart 10). These trends suggest the Senate will fall to the party that wins the White House. Chart 9The Senate Races Are All On A Knife’s Edge Consumer confidence is weak and bodes ill for the incumbent president and party (Chart 11). Chart 10Trump Has Personalized Partisan Politics Chart 11Consumer Confidence Bodes Ill For Trump And GOP A failure to provide stimulus will ensure that sentiment worsens for the rest of the campaign and overshadows some underlying material improvements that are the Republicans’ only saving grace. Wage growth is recovering in line with the V-shape recovery in blue and purple states, including purple states that voted for Trump (Chart 12). The manufacturing rebound – and a surge in loans – is creating the conditions for the “Blue Wall” of Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin to re-elect President Trump (Chart 13). A fiscal failure will blot out this positive news. Chart 12Fiscal Failure Would Blot Out Economic Improvements Chart 13Blue Wall' Could Re-Elect Trump On Economic Improvement Republicans’ standing offer is for a $1.3 trillion bill. The bipartisan “Problem Solver’s Caucus” has separately proposed a $1.5 trillion package that could be converted. McConnell has shown he can muster his troops by producing 52 Republican votes on a skinny relief bill on September 10. The Senate will go on recess on Friday, October 9 and the House is committed to staying until a bill is done. Negotiations cannot drag on much longer than that, however, because lawmakers need to go back to their home states and districts to campaign for the election. The equity selloff suggests policymakers will need to respond sooner anyway. Is there a way for Trump to bypass Congress and provide stimulus unilaterally? Chart 14Gridlock In 2020-22 Is Possible Under Trump Or Biden Trump is only too happy to run against a “do-nothing Congress,” which is how Harry Truman pulled off his surprise victory in 1948. He could use executive orders to redirect federal funds that have already been appropriated. However, he has already provided stimulus by decree – delaying payroll tax collections and calling on states to provide unemployment insurance – and yet the market has sold off anyway. That is because these measures are half-baked – they lack the size and the force of an act of Congress. They require coordination with states and firms, which face uncertainty over the legality of the measures and have little incentive to make sacrifices for an administration that may not last more than a few months. In short, if Trump tries to stimulate by decree, it is an election gimmick that will not satisfy market participants who need to look beyond the next 39 days to the critical question of whether US fiscal authorities understand the needs of the economy and can coordinate effectively. Congressional failure will cast a pall over the outlook given that there is still a fair chance the election could produce gridlock for the 2020-22 period, under Trump or Biden (Chart 14). Bottom Line: Financial markets face more downside until Senate Republicans capitulate to Pelosi’s demand of a bill around $2-$2.5 trillion. We think they will, but that is not an argument for getting long now – Republicans could capitulate too late to save the market from a deeper selloff. Investors should book profits now and buy when the deal is clinched. What About The Supreme Court? The Supreme Court battle over the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg may increase the risk of miscalculation in the stimulus negotiations, but not by much. Subjectively we would upgrade that risk from 25% to 33%. Republicans will fill the vacant seat before the election. So far they have the votes – even if Senator Mitt Romney changes his mind, there is still a one-seat buffer. However, a win on the high court has a mixed impact on financial markets. It may increase the odds of a Democratic Party sweep, which is initially a net negative for equities. But House Democrats will become less inclined to compromise on the size of the fiscal bill that we expect. They will say “take it or leave it” on the $2.2 trillion offer. The lowest we can see Democrats passing is $1.9 trillion. If the GOP fails to budge, the equity selloff will be aggravated by the implication that Democrats will win a clean sweep and thus gain the power to raise corporate and capital gains taxes next year. We have put 55%-60% odds on a clean sweep, but the market stands at 49%, so there is room for the market to adjust (Chart 15). As for the Supreme Court itself, a Republican nomination is legitimate regardless of the election timing, though the decision to go forward this close to the election reveals extreme levels of polarization. The Republican pick could energize the Democrats in the election, as occurred with the nomination of Justice Brett Kavanaugh just ahead of the 2018 midterms. A Democratic overreaction could mobilize conservatives, but this will be moot if the stock market collapses. If the presidential election is contested or disputed, Trump’s court nominee pick could cast the decisive vote, although, once nominated, a justice may not rule in accordance with his or her nominator’s wishes. The Supreme Court battle raises the risk of stimulus miscalculation to 33%. In a period of “peak polarization,” one should expect the Supreme Court battle to escalate further from here (Chart 16). Democrats are likely to remove the filibuster if they win the Senate. This would theoretically enable them to create four new seats on the court, which they could then fill with liberal judges. Franklin Roosevelt attempted to pack the court in 1937 when it got in the way of the New Deal and his plan only narrowly failed due to the unexpected death of a key ally in the Senate. Chart 15A Democratic Sweep Would Aggravate The Equity Selloff Chart 16Supreme Court Battle Will Escalate Amid Extreme Polarization Not only might the court decide the election outcome, but future controversial legislation could live or die by the court’s vote, as occurred with Obamacare in 2012 (Chart 17). In the event that Democrats achieve a clean sweep, the conservative court will be their only obstacle and they will possess the means to remove it. Chart 17Supreme Court Battle Will Prove Market Relevant In Event Of Democratic Sweep Bottom Line: Earlier we saw a 25% chance that stimulus would fail – now we give it a 33% chance. However, the size of the stimulus is now even more likely to fall within the $2-$2.5 trillion range we have signaled in previous reports. The Supreme Court will become a major factor in domestic economic policy uncertainty if Democrats win a clean sweep of government. Turkey Hits Constraints In East Med – For Now … Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s foreign policy assertiveness has once again put Turkey in conflict with NATO allies. Tensions escalated last month after Greece signed a maritime boundary deal with Egypt that Athens said nullified last November’s Libya-Turkey agreement (Map 1). Map 1Turkey Testing Maritime Borders In the East Med In response, Turkey issued a navigational warning (which was renewed thrice) and dispatched its seismic research vessel, the Oruc Reis, to explore for hydrocarbons in disputed areas of the Eastern Mediterranean between Greece and Cyprus. In shows of force, Turkey and Greece both deployed their navies to the area last month, raising the risk of an armed confrontation.3 The motivation for Erdogan’s hard power tactics is multi-pronged. Chart 18Erdogan’s Foreign Adventurism Reflects Domestic Weakness On a domestic level, Erdogan’s East Med excursions are an attempt to rally domestic support, where he and his party have lost ground (Chart 18). Given that popular opinion in Turkey indicates that the majority see the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus as a “kin country” and that they do not expect Turkey to be accepted into the EU, Ankara’s East Med strategy is likely to find support. On an international level, Turkey is flexing its muscles against the West. Erdogan has inserted Turkish forces into conflicts in Syria and Libya, confronting NATO allies there, and authorized the provocative purchase of the Russian S400 missile defense system at the expense of membership in the US F-35 program. The East Med gambit is another challenge to the West by testing EU unity. Specifically Erdogan is demonstrating that Turkey is willing to use military force to reject any unilateral attempts by foreign powers to impose maritime borders on Turkey – for instance through the EU’s Seville map.4 By demonstrating maritime strength, Turkey hopes to twist the EU’s arm into agreeing to a more favorable maritime partition plan in the East Med. As such the conflict is part of Turkey’s “Blue Homeland” strategy to expand its sphere of influence and secure energy supplies.5 Turkey is extremely vulnerable as a geopolitical actor because it depends on imports for three-quarters of its energy needs.6 With energy accounting for 20% of its import bill, these imports are weighing on the current account balance (Chart 19). Turkey’s exclusion from regional gas agreements has thus been a blow to its self-sufficiency goals. Meanwhile Greece, Italy, Egypt, Israel, Cyprus, and Jordan have recently formalized their cooperation through the Cairo-based East Mediterranean Gas Organization. Turkish agitation in the East Mediterranean is an attempt to prevent others from exploiting gas resources there so long as its demands remain unmet. Erdogan’s retreat demonstrates Turkey’s constraints in its challenge to the EU. While the EU has yet to impose sanctions or penalties, Erdogan has now backtracked. Oruc Reis returned to Antalya on September 13, despite official statements that it would continue its mission. Turkish and Greek military officials have been meeting at NATO headquarters. And following talks with French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and EU President Charles Michel, Erdogan’s office announced on September 22 that Turkey and Greece were prepared to resume talks. The postponement of the European Council’s special meeting to discuss Turkish sanctions to October 1-2 plays to Turkey’s favor by giving more time for talks. Chart 19Turkey's Energy Dependence A Geopolitical Vulnerability Erdogan’s retreat demonstrates Turkey’s constraints in its challenge to the EU. The possibility of damaging sanctions was too much at a time of economic vulnerability. Given Turkey’s dependence on the EU for export earnings and FDI inflows, the impact of sanctions on Turkey’s economy cannot be overstated (Chart 20). Chart 20EU Sanctions Could Destroy Turkey's Economy Turkey is also facing constraints diplomatically as two of its regional rivals – the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Israel – have agreed to normalize relations and strengthen ties under the US-mediated Abraham Accords (Table 2). The UAE already dispatched F-16s to Crete to participate in joint training exercises in a show of support to Greece. Table 2The Abraham Accords Unify Turkey’s Regional Rivals Details about the potential sanctions have not been released. However, EU Minister of Foreign Affairs Josep Borrell has indicated that penalties could be levied not only on individuals, but also on assets, ships, and Turkish access to European ports and supplies. This could include banks financing energy exploration or even entire business sectors, such as the energy industry. Moreover, the EU could play other damaging cards such as halting EU accession talks, or limiting its customs union with Turkey, which Ankara hopes to modernize. Chart 21EU Needs Turkey’s Cooperation To Stem Flow Of Migrants It is also in Europe’s interest to de-escalate the conflict. Sanctions on Turkey could accelerate Ankara’s re-orientation towards Russia and possibly China, expediting its transition to a hostile regional actor. In addition, Turkey has not shied away from using the 2016 migration deal, whereby Turkey has become the gatekeeper of Middle Eastern migrants fleeing to Europe, as a bargaining chip (Chart 21). Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu outright stated that Turkey will respond to EU sanctions by reneging on the deal, which could result in an influx of refugees into the EU and new challenges for Europe’s political establishment. Erdogan’s retreat is also likely a response to pressure from Washington. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo lent some support to Greece and Cyprus during his September 12 visit to Cyprus. While the US has distanced itself from recent developments in the East Med, leaving German Chancellor Angela Merkel to play the role of mediator, a deterioration in Ankara’s relations with NATO allies could accelerate Turkey’s de-coupling from the West. Some within Washington are already calling for a relocation of the US strategic Incirlik air base to Greek islands. Erdogan’s retreat from a hawkish stance is in line with similar behavior elsewhere. For instance, despite having taken delivery of all parts and completed all necessary tests, Turkey has yet to activate its Russian S-400 missile defense system. It is wary of US sanctions. Similarly, Ankara has paused its Libyan offensive toward the eastern oil crescent in face of the risk of an outright military confrontation with Egypt. In each case, Erdogan appears to be at least temporarily recognizing the limits to his foreign adventurism. Nevertheless, the recent de-escalation does not mark the end of the conflict. Rather it demonstrates that both sides have hit constraints and are pausing for a breather. Chart 22Erdogan's Tactical Retreat Will Pull Down Turkish Risk The tactical retreat will provide some relief for the lira, which hit all-time lows against the dollar and euro, and thus pull down our Turkey GeoRisk indicator (Chart 22). But it does not guarantee that the Turkish risk premium will stay low. Talks between Greece and Turkey are unlikely to result in substantial breakthroughs. Instead the conflict will resurface – perhaps when Turkey is in a stronger economic position at home and the EU is distracted elsewhere, whether with internal political issues or conflicts with Russia, the UK, or any second-term Trump administration. Bottom Line: The recent de-escalation of East Med tensions does not mark the end of a bull market in Turkey-EU tensions. These tensions arise from geopolitical multipolarity – Turkey’s ability to act independently in foreign policy without facing an overwhelming, unified US-EU response. However, Turkey’s vulnerability to European economic sanctions shows that it faces real constraints. A major attempt to flout these constraints is a sell signal for the lira, as European sanctions could then become a reality. We remain negative on the lira, but will book gains on our short trade. Investment Takeaways We are booking gains on some of our tactical risk-off trades, given that we ultimately expect the US Congress to approve a new fiscal package. We are closing our long VIX December 2020 / short VIX January 2021 trade, which captured concerns about a contested election in the United States, for a gain of 4%. Volatility will still rise and a contested election is still possible, but the fiscal risk has gone up, COVID-19 cases have gone up, and Trump’s polling comeback has softened. The 4% gain does not include leverage or contract size. We were paid to put on the trade and now will be paid to exit it, so we are booking gains (Chart 23). Chart 23Book Gains On Bet On Near Term Volatility We are closing our short “EM Strongman Basket” of Turkish, Brazilian, and Philippine currencies for a gain of 4.5%. The trade has performed well but Turkey is not only recognizing its constraints abroad but also recognizing constraints at home by raising interest rates to defend the lira. In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro’s approval rating has surged and our GeoRisk indicator has topped out. The latest readings on our GeoRisk Indicators provide confirmation of our major themes, views, and trades. The charts of each country’s indicator can be found in the Appendix. Short China, Long China Plays: Geopolitical risk continues on the uptrend that began with Xi Jinping’s consolidation of power and has not abated with the Phase One trade deal. Policymakers will remain entirely accommodative on fiscal and quasi-fiscal (credit) policy in the wake of this year’s recession. New financial regulations do not herald a return of the deleveraging campaign in any way comparable to 2017-18. The October Politburo meeting on the economy could conceivably sound a hawkish note, which could conveniently undermine sentiment ahead of the US election, but if this occurs then we would not expect follow-through. China plays and commodity plays should benefit, such as the Australian dollar, iron ore prices, and Brazilian and Swedish equities. Yet we remain short the renminbi, which has recently flagged after a fierce rally. Trump is negative for the RMB and Biden will ultimately be tough on China, contrary to the market consensus. Short Taiwan: US-China strategic relations have collapsed over the course of the year but financial markets have ignored it due to COVID-19 and stimulus. The only thing keeping US-China relations on an even keel is the Trump-Xi gentleman’s agreement, which expires on November 3 regardless of the election outcome. While outright military conflict over Taiwan cannot be ruled out, Beijing is much more likely to impose economic sanctions prior to any attempt to take the island by force. This has been our base case since 2016. Our GeoRisk indicator is just starting to price this risk so it remains highly underrated from the perspective of the Taiwanese dollar and equities. We are short and there is still time to put on shorts. Long South Korea: The rise in Korean geopolitical risk since the faltering of US-North Korean diplomacy in 2019 has peaked and fallen back, as expected. Pyongyang has not substantively tested President Trump during the election year and we still do not think he will – though a showdown would mark an October surprise that could boost Trump’s approval rating. South Korean political risk should continue falling and we are long Korean equities. Short Russia: Russian geopolitical risk has exploded upward, as we expected. We have been bearish on the Russian ruble and local currency bonds, though we should note that this differs from our Emerging Markets Strategy view based on macro fundamentals. Our reasoning predates the escalation of tensions with the EU over Belarus, but Belarus highlights the negative dynamic: Vladimir Putin in his fourth term is concerned about domestic social and political stability, and this concern is especially heightened after the global pandemic and recession. Therefore he has little ability to tolerate unrest in the former Soviet sphere. Moreover, he has a window of opportunity when the US administration is distracted, and not unfriendly, whereas that will change if the Democrats take over. If Democrats win, they will not try another diplomatic “reset” with Russia; they believe engagement has failed and want revenge for Putin’s undermining the Obama administration and 2016 election interference. The Nordstream 2 pipeline and Russian local currency bonds are at risk of new sanctions. The Democrats will also increase their efforts at cyber warfare and psychological warfare to counter Russia’s use of such measures. If Trump wins, the upside for Russia is limited as Trump’s personal preferences have repeatedly lost to the US political and military establishment when it comes to Russia. The US has remained vigilant against Russian threats and has increased support for countering Russia in eastern Europe and Ukraine. Chart 24Russia Is At Risk of US Sanctions In Belarus, President Lukashenko has been sworn in as president again, and he will not step down unless Russia and its allies orchestrate a replacement who is friendly toward Russian interests. Russia will not allow a pro-EU, pro-NATO government by any stretch of the imagination. The likeliest outcome is that Russia demonstrates its security and military superiority in a limited way, while the US and Europe respond with sanctions but not with military force. There is no appetite for the US or EU to engage in hot war with Russia over Belarus, which they have little hope of re-engineering in the Western image. We are short Russian currency and local bonds on the risk of sanctions stemming from either the US election cycle or the Belarus confrontation or both. We note that local currency bonds are not pricing in the risks that our geopolitical risk indicators are pricing (Chart 24). Long Europe: Our European geopolitical risk indicators show that the EU remains a haven of political stability in an unstable time. European integration is accelerating in the context of security threats from Russia, the potential for sustained economic conflict with the US (if Trump is re-elected), and economic competition with an increasingly authoritarian and mercantilist China. Europe’s latent strengths, when acting in unison, are brought out by the report on Turkey above. However, the 35% chance that the UK fails to reach a trade deal at the end of this year will still push our European risk indicators up in the near term. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com We Read (And Liked) … Geopolitical Alpha: An Investment Framework For Predicting The Future What better way to revive the hallowed tradition of BCA Geopolitical Strategy book reviews than to give clients a sneak preview of our founder Marko Papic’s literary debut, Geopolitical Alpha: An Investment Framework for Predicting the Future?7 Long-time readers will know much of this book – it is the distillation of a decade of Marko’s work at BCA Research and, more recently, Clocktower Group. Here is the story of European integration – perhaps Marko’s greatest call, from back in 2011. Here is the story of multipolarity and investing. Here is the apex of globalization. Here is the decline of laissez-faire and the rise of dirigisme. Here is the end of Chimerica. Attendees of the BCA Research Academy will also recognize much in Marko’s formal exposition of his method. The categories of material constraints that bind policymakers. The practical application of the median voter theorem. The psychological lessons from Richards Heuer and Lee Ross. The occasional dash of game theory – and the workingman’s critique of it. The core teaching is the same: “Preferences are optional and subject to constraints, whereas constraints are neither optional nor subject to preferences.” There is also much that is new, notably Marko’s analysis of the COVID-19 pandemic, which is bound to generate controversy for classifying the whole episode as an example of mass hysteria comparable to the Salem witch trials, but which is as well-researched and well-argued as any section in the book. I was fortunate to learn the geopolitical method with Marko under the guidance of George Friedman, Peter Zeihan, Roger Baker, Fred Burton, Scott Stewart, and other colleagues at Stratfor (Strategic Forecasting, Inc.) in Austin, Texas from the era of the Iraq troop surge, the Russian invasion of Georgia, and the Lehman Brothers collapse. We both owe a lot to these teachers: the history of geopolitics, intelligence analysis, open source monitoring, net assessments, and, of course, forecasting. What Marko did was to take this armory of geopolitical analysis – which we both can testify is best taught in practice, not universities – and to put it to use in the financial context, where political analysis was long treated as optional and anecdotal despite the manifest and growing need for a rigorous framework. A hard-nosed analyst will never cease to be amazed by the gaps that emerge between the consensus view on Wall Street and a careful, disciplined net assessment of a nation or political movement. By the same token, the investor, trader, or economist will never cease to be amazed by the political analyst’s inability to grasp the concept of “already priced in” or “the second derivative.” What needed to be done was to master the art of macro investing and geopolitics. Marko took this upon himself. It was audacious and it provoked a lot of skepticism from the dismal scientists and the political scientists alike. But Geopolitical Alpha, the concept and the book, is the consequence – and we are now all the better for it. Marko is fundamentally a post-modern thinker. His methodological hero is Karl Marx for the development of materialist dialectic, the back-and-forth debate between economic forces that humans internalize in the form of competing ideologies. His foil is the humanist and republican, Niccolo Machiavelli – not for his amoral approach, but for prizing the virtue of the prince in the face of outrageous fortune. Human agency is Marko’s favorite punching bag – he excels at identifying the ways in which individuals will be frustrated despite their best efforts by the cold, insensitive walls of reality around them. If there is a critique of Marko’s book, then, it is that he gives short shrift to the classical liberal tradition – or as I like to think of it, the balance-of-power tradition. The idea that hegemony, or unipolarity, leads to a stable social and political environment conducive to peace and prosperity has a lot going for it. But it also partakes of an older tradition of thought that envisions a single, central political order as necessarily the most stable and predictable – a tradition that can be ascribed to Plato as well as Marx. You can see the positive implication for financial markets. But what if this tradition is only occasionally right – what if it too is subject to historical cycles? If that is the case, then the Beijing consensus is a mirage – and the US’s reversion to a blue-water strategy (not only under President Trump, but also under a future President Biden, according to his campaign agenda) does not necessarily herald the “end [of] American dominance on the world stage.” The classical tradition behind the Greco-Roman, British, and American constitutional systems, including their naval strategies, envisioned a multipolar order that was somewhat less stable but more durable, and this tradition has proven immensely beneficial for the creation of technology and wealth. Of course, Marko is very much alive to this tradition and, despite his critique of the ancients, shows himself to be highly sensitive to the interplay of virtue and fortune. Throughout the work, the analytical style can be characterized as restless energy in the service of cool, chess-playing logic. Marko is generous with his knowledge, merciless in drawing conclusions, and outrageously funny in delivery. He attacks the questions that matter most to investors and that experts too often leave shrouded in finely wrought uncertainty. He also shows himself to be a superb writer as well as strategist, interspersing his methodological training sessions with vivid anecdotes of a lifelong intellectual journey from a shattered Yugoslavia to the heights of finance. The bits of memoir are often the best, such as the intro to Chapter Six on geopolitics. To paraphrase a great author, Marko writes because he has a story to tell, not because he has to tell a story. The tale of the mysterious consulting firm Papic and Parsley will do a great public service by teaching readers precisely how skeptical of mainstream news journalism they should be. It isn’t enough to say that we read Geopolitical Alpha and liked it – the sole criterion for a review in this column. Rather, the book and its author are the reason this column exists. And Geopolitical Alpha is now the locus classicus of market-relevant geopolitical analysis. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 We favored the upper side of the range, first $2.5 trillion, and subsequently something closer to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s demand of $2.2 trillion. We have speculated that Republicans may get her to settle at $1.9 trillion. 2 Two of these cases were unique in that a vice president took over from a president who died and then won re-election – unlike Trump’s scenario. 3 On August 12 a Greek Navy frigate collided with a Turkish vessel guiding the Oruc Reis. Athens called the incident an accident while Ankara referred to it as a provocation. 4 The so-called Seville Map was prepared at the request of the European Union by researchers at the University of Seville, attempts to clarify the exclusive economic zones of Turkey and Greece in the Aegean Sea. The US announced on September 21 that it does not consider the Seville map to have any legal significance. 5 The Blue Homeland or Mavi Vatan doctrine announced in 2006 intends to secure Turkish control of maritime areas surrounding its coast (Mediterranean Sea, Aegean Sea, and Black Sea) in order to secure energy supplies and support Turkey’s economic growth. 6 Erdogan’s claim that gas from the recently discovered Sakarya gas field would reach consumers by 2023 is likely overly optimistic and unrealistic. The drilling costs and commercial viability of the field are yet to be determined. Thus, the find does not impact dynamics in the East Med. 7 New Jersey: Wiley, 2021. 286 pages. Section II: GeoRisk Indicators China Russia UK Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan Korea Turkey Brazil Section III: Geopolitical Calendar