América Latina

Informe especial

Highlights Latin America faces a deep economic contraction and a new surge of social unrest and political unrest. However, the risks are increasingly priced into financial markets – especially if global monetary and fiscal stimulus continue. A looming global cyclical upturn, massive US and Chinese stimulus, a weaker dollar, and rising commodity prices will lift Latin American currencies and assets. Mexico faces lower trade risk and lower political risk. Colombia’s fundamentals are sound and political risk is contained. Chile’s political risk is significant but will benefit from the macro backdrop. Brazil will remain volatile. We are bearish on Argentina. Venezuela’s regime will be replaced before long. Our tactical positioning is defensive on COVID-19 and US political risk, but we see Latin America as an opportunity over the long run. Feature Cracks in the edifice of this year’s global stock market recovery are emerging with COVID-19 cases rebounding and US political risks rising. Emerging markets that rallied earlier this year have fallen back. This includes Latin America, where the pandemic’s per capita death toll is comparable only to Europe and the United States (Chart 1). Latin America is a risky region for investors because the past decade was a lost decade, particularly after the commodity bust in 2014. Poor macro fundamentals, deep household grievances, heavy dependency on commodity prices, and preexisting political polarization and social unrest have weighed on the region’s currencies and government bonds. Latin American equities have underperformed emerging markets over the period (Chart 2). Chart 1Pandemic Adds To Latin America’s Many Woes Chart 2Global Reflation Needed For LATAM To Outperform Looking beyond near-term risks, however, global economic recovery and gargantuan monetary and fiscal stimulus hold out the prospect of a sustained recovery in growth and trade, a weakening US dollar, and a boost to commodity prices (Chart 3). This outlook is favorable for Latin American economies and companies. Chart 3Global Stimulus Keeps Up Commodity Prices In this report, we analyze the coronavirus outbreak and its likely political impact in six Latin American markets: Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Chile, and Mexico. The crisis is exacerbating the region’s longstanding problems and freezing attempts at supply-side reforms. However, a lot of political risk is already priced, particularly in Mexico and Colombia. Bullish Mexico: Trade War And Leftism Already Peaked As it stands, Mexico has over 740,000 confirmed cases and over 77,000 deaths, with new cases increasing daily (Chart 4). Testing occurs at a rate of 15,300 tests per 1 million people, one of the lowest rates of any major country. Hence the true number of cases is likely well higher than the official count. The health care system is overwhelmed. Chart 4Mexico Not Too Bad On Virus Death Toll The crisis has been a rude awakening for President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), but we see Mexico as an investment opportunity rather than a risk. Chart 5Mexico: Left-Wing Unlikely To Outdo 2018 Win AMLO and his National Regeneration Movement (MORENA) swept to power in 2018 as champions of the poor fed up with the country’s corrupt political establishment. Two tailwinds fueled MORENA’s rise: First, the failure of Mexico’s ruling elites. The 2008 financial crisis knocked one of the dominant parties out of power, while the brief comeback of the traditional ruling party (the Institutional Revolutionary Party or PRI) faltered amid the slow-burn recovery of the 2010s. Second, AMLO’s victory was an answer to the populist and protectionist turn in the United States under President Trump, who had vowed to build a wall and make Mexico pay for it as well as to renegotiate NAFTA to be more favorable to the United States. Mexicans voted to fight fire with fire. Neo-liberalism and supply-side structural reform seemed discredited in a blaze of Yankee imperialism and AMLO and his movement offered the only viable alternative. AMLO became Mexico’s first left-wing populist president in recent memory, while MORENA won an outright majority in the Senate and, with its coalition partners, a three-fifths majority in the Chamber of Deputies (Chart 5). From this back story it is clear that investors interested in Mexican assets faced two primary structural risks: (1) a left-wing “revolution,” given AMLO’s lack of legislative roadblocks (2) American protectionism. About 29% of Mexico’s GDP consists of exports to the US (Chart 6). Chart 6Mexico Will Benefit From US Mega-Stimulus Investors took these risks seriously, judging by the relative performance of Mexican energy and industrial equities (Chart 7). Trade war threatened exporters while AMLO aimed to revitalize the moribund state-owned energy company at the expense of foreign investors admitted by his predecessor’s structural reforms Chart 7Investors DisappointedAfter AMLO Election Rally However, the left-wing revolution threat was always overstated: Mexico has become the largest fiscal hawk in the region under AMLO. Moreover, monetary policy had remained overly tight before the pandemic. Indeed, AMLO’s track record as mayor of Mexico City in the early 2000s showed his penchant for fiscal frugality. His left-wing policies have been focused on reviving the state-owned oil company PEMEX and increasing signature social programs, which have been funded by slashing other government expenditures, even during the COVID-19 outbreak. Going forward, Mexico’s orthodox economic policy is a major positive relative to emerging markets with out-of-control debt dynamics, often exacerbated by populist leaders, such as Brazil (Chart 8). MORENA will face greater constraints going forward. AMLO’s approval rating has normalized at around 60%, roughly the average for Mexican presidents (Chart 9). MORENA’s support rate has fallen from 45% to below 20%. With midterm elections looming in July 2021, MORENA is unlikely to outperform its 2018 landslide. So while AMLO will win his proposed 2021 presidential “referendum,” he will do so with a smaller share of the vote and a weakened parliament. Reality has set in for Mexico’s new ruling party. Chart 8Mexico’s Low Debts A Boon Chart 9AMLO’s Approval Rating Solid, But Normalizing AMLO and MORENA are likely to be chastened but not to fall from power, which means there is unlikely to be a wholesale reversal in national policy. The crisis has killed AMLO’s honeymoon but not his presidency. He still has 60% approval and his term in office lasts until 2024. The main opposition parties are still floundering (Chart 10). The creation of six new parties since 2018 will help MORENA either by adding to its coalition or taking votes away from the opposition. US fiscal stimulus and shift away from China benefit Mexico over the long run. Second, we now know that the US protectionist threat was also overstated: President Trump’s first term demonstrates that even if the US elects a populist and protectionist president who pledges to take an aggressive approach toward Mexico, the ties that bind the two countries will not be easily broken. One of the few times Senate Republicans openly defied President Trump was their refusal in June 2019 to allow sweeping 5%-25% unilateral tariff rates on Mexican imports. Hence even if Trump wins and the GOP retains the Senate, Mexico has some safeguards here. Trump would also be constrained by House Democrats on the issue of building a border wall and reforming the US immigration system. AMLO visited Trump in Washington to sign the USMCA ahead of the election. The trade deal is part of Trump’s legacy so Trump is more likely to attack other trade surplus countries than Mexico. Former Vice President Joe Biden and the Democratic Party are more likely to win the US election. In that case, US policy toward Mexico will turn more dovish. House Democrats helped negotiate the USMCA deal and voted to pass it. Biden is unlikely to impose large tariffs on Mexico. It is still possible that US-Mexico tensions will reignite later, if immigration swells under Biden, but the latter is not guaranteed. Two additional macro and geopolitical factors also play to Mexico’s favor over the long run: First, the US’s profligate fiscal policy will benefit its neighbor and trading partner. Massive American monetary and fiscal stimulus – about to receive another dollop of around $2-$2.5 trillion in new spending – will total upwards of 20% of US GDP in 2020 (Chart 11). This is especially likely in the event of a Democratic clean sweep. Yet Democrats are likely to retain the House, preventing Republicans from slashing spending too much even if they convince Trump to adopt their fiscal hawkishness in any second term. Chart 10MORENA’s Approval Comes Down To Earth Chart 11Mexican Exports Will Benefit From US Stimulus Chart 12US Leaving China Will Boost Mexico Industrialization Second, the US is leading a global movement to diversify supply chains away from China. This shift is rooted in US grand strategy and began under the Obama administration, and it is highly likely to continue whether Trump or Biden wins. A Biden victory will result in a more multilateral approach that is more beneficial for global trade, but still penalizes China – which is good for Mexico. No country has suffered a greater opportunity cost from China’s industrialization than Mexico (Chart 12). Both Biden and Trump are advertising a policy of on-shoring that will, in effect, benefit US trading partners ex-China. US current account deficits stem from its domestic savings-investment balance and therefore will persist even if China is cut out, driving production elsewhere. Bottom Line: We are optimistic about Mexico. Trade risk from the US is unlikely to rise higher than during 2017-19, while legislative hurdles facing AMLO and MORENA cannot get much lower than they are today. The currency is fairly valued and equities are not too pricey. Gargantuan US stimulus and a shift away from China dependency will boost growth and investment in Mexico. We will look for opportunities to go long the Mexican peso and assets. Volatile Brazil: Fiscal Restraint Is Gone While much of the world is focused on a second wave of Covid-19, Brazil has struggled to hurdle its first. The country has over 4.8 million confirmed cases (23 000 cases per 1 million people), and 143,000 deaths, second only to the United States. Coronavirus testing in Brazil stands at 73,900 tests per 1 million people, i.e. higher than Mexico’s but not enough to paint a complete picture of the virus’ course (Chart 13). The Brazilian government’s response has been chaotic. With a nearly universal health care system, albeit one that is under-funded, Brazil was not as poorly prepared as some countries. However, like his populist counterparts in Mexico and the United States, Bolsonaro chose to prioritize the economy over the virus response. Brazil was one of the few major countries in the world not to impose a national lockdown. The Ministry of Health, consumed with political turmoil, failed to develop a nationwide plan of action.1 Bolsonaro quarreled with governors who imposed state lockdown measures. With conflicting state and federal messages, Brazilians were unsure about the benefits of social isolation, hand washing, and face coverings, leading to a widespread lack of compliance and a major outbreak of the disease. Bolsonaro’s approach has led to some benefits, however, and the government implemented the largest fiscal response in the region at a whopping 16% of GDP. The economy is recovering faster than that of neighboring countries (Chart 14). Bolsonaro’s approval rating has also improved. The polling looks like a short-term “crisis bounce,” but Bolsonaro is now ahead of his likeliest rivals in 2022, including former President Lula Da Silva and former Justice Minister Sergio Moro. The crisis has catapulted Bolsonaro back into the approval range of other Brazilian presidents, at least for the moment (Chart 15). Chart 13Bolsonaro And Trump Prioritize Recession Over Pandemic Chart 14Bolsonaro's Economy Roaring Back All eyes will next turn to the municipal elections slated for November 15, 2020. The first elections since Bolsonaro came to power will be a test of whether the left-wing opposition can recover. One of the key pillars of Bolsonaro’s political capital was the collapse of the Worker’s Party after the economic crisis and Car Wash corruption scandal of the 2010s. The local government election will also reflect public views of the pandemic. Local governments are important when it comes to combating COVID-19. On April 15, Brazil’s Supreme Federal Court gave them the power to set quarantine restrictions and rules with regard to public transit, transport, and highway use. They are in charge of utilizing numerous rounds of aid from the federal government to mitigate the health and economic effects of the virus. Many have rejected Bolsonaro’s cavalier attitude, imposed stricter health measures, and established local teams comprised of medical professionals, public officials, and private donors to monitor the outbreak. If the Worker’s Party fails to recover from the shellacking it suffered in Brazil’s local elections in 2016, then Bolsonaro’s polling bounce would be reinforced and his administration would get a new lease on life. The opposite is also true: a strong recovery will undercut his political capital, especially because it is still possible that Da Silva will be cleared of corruption charges and capable of running for office in 2022. Bolsonaro also faces a test on another pillar of his political capital: the fight against corruption. A criminal investigation of the administration emerged after the resignation of popular justice Minister, Sergio Moro, who accuses the president of wrongdoing. There is an additional pending investigation for his team’s use of “fake news” during the 2018 campaign, which many deem illegal. So far, however, talk of impeachment has not hurt the president. Only about 46% of Brazilians support impeachment (Chart 16), which is not enough to get him removed from office. Any future impeachment push will depend on the following factors: Chart 15Bolsonaro Enjoys Popularity Boost Amid Pandemic Chart 16Nowhere Near Enough Support For Bolso Impeachment First, the president has allied with an alliance of center-right parties, called the Centrao, that controls 40% of seats in the Chamber of Deputies and has played a historic role in the rise and fall of Brazilian presidents (Chart 17). The Centrao can shield Bolsonaro from impeachment just as its opposition ultimately led to former President Dilma Rousseff’s removal in August 2016. By the same token, if these allies turn on him, removal will become the likely outcome. Second, powerful politicians like House Speaker Rodrigo Maia are reluctant to impeach because it would add “more wood in the fire,” i.e. worsen political instability. It would be bad politics for the impeachment directors as well. But this could change. The other two pillars of Bolsonaro’s political capital are law and order and structural economic reform. Bolsonaro has maintained his law-and-order image through cozy relations with the military, as well as through a slight decline in homicides (Chart 18). Chart 17Brazil: Presidential Parties Small, Need Support From ‘Centrists’ Chart 18Bolsonaro's "Law And Order" Message Works So Far Structural reform is the critical factor for investors, but the crisis has slowed the reform agenda, particularly on the fiscal front. The main way for Brazil to reform is to reduce the size of government. The government takes up a large share of national output, comparable to Argentina, and public debt is soaring. The country was already hurtling toward a sovereign debt crisis prior to COVID-19 (Chart 19). Bolsonaro’s signature legislative achievement, pension reform, has done little to arrest this trajectory, as it was watered down to gain passage and then the pandemic wiped out the fiscal gains. Ironically, Bolsonaro’s improved popularity is negative for fiscal consolidation, since it will encourage him to play the populist ahead of the 2022 election. Pension reform was never popular and passing it did nothing to boost Bolsonaro’s approval rating. On the contrary, his approval began to rise when the pandemic struck and he loosened fiscal policy. Going forward he will need to maintain fiscal spending to rebuild the economy. He is already jeopardizing Brazil’s key fiscal rules. As for the election, Brazil always increases government spending in the year before and year of a presidential election, as all parties hope to buy votes (Chart 20). Chart 19Brazil's Fiscal Crisis Accelerates Chart 20Brazil Cranks Up Spending Ahead Of Elections The implication is that any fiscal hawkishness will have to wait until Bolsonaro’s second term. Of course, if Bolsonaro loses the vote, left-wing parties may return to power and fiscal profligacy will be the order of the day. So investors do not have a good prospect for fiscal consolidation anytime soon, barring a successful candidacy by the aforementioned Moro on a reformist and anti-corruption ticket. Fiscal expansion and loose monetary policy are positive for domestic demand initially but negative for the out-of-control debt profile and hence ultimately the currency and government bond prices over the long term. Outside Brazil, geopolitical conditions are reasonably favorable. If Trump wins, Bolsonaro’s right-wing populism will gain some legitimacy and he may be able to negotiate good trade relations with the United States. If Trump loses, Bolsonaro will become politically isolated, but Brazil will benefit economically, as Joe Biden is friendlier to global trade than Trump. Brazil’s trade openness has grown rapidly, one area of reform that will continue. China is also interested in closer relations with Brazil as it faces trade conflict with the US and Australia. If Trump wins, Bolsonaro benefits from further Chinese substitution away from the United States. If Trump loses, Beijing will not return to former dependencies on the United States. Also, while China cannot substitute Brazil for Australia entirely, it is likely to increase imports from Brazil on the margin (Chart 21). Chart 21Brazil Benefits If China Diversifies From US And Oz Chart 22Brazilian Political Risk Down From 2015-16 Peak Ultimately Brazil is a country filled with political risk due to extreme inequality and indebtedness. But as long as the global economy and commodity prices recover, Bolsonaro will be able to ride the wave and short-term political risks will continue to subside from the extremely elevated levels of 2016 (Chart 22).   Bottom Line: Bolsonaro’s popularity bounced in the face of the national crisis. Local elections in November are an important barometer of whether his administration and its neoliberal structural reform agenda can survive beyond 2022. Either way, fiscal consolidation is on hold prior to the 2022 election. We are long Brazilian equities as a China play, but the outlook is ultimately negative for the currency. Bearish Argentina: Peronism Restored Argentina has 751,000 cases of coronavirus (16,800 cases per 1 million people) and about 16,900 deaths. Testing stands at 41,700 test per 1 million people. After the federal government eased quarantine restrictions and began reopening most of the country on June 7, total cases followed the general trend of the region (Chart 23). Chart 23Argentina’s COVID-19 Suppression Losing Steam Despite early measures to flatten the curve, Argentina lacks hospital beds, doctors, and medical supplies, especially in the capital of Buenos Aires where 88% of the country’s confirmed cases are found. The coronavirus has exposed stark differences between the rich and poor in terms of access and quality of health care, with about a third of the population uninsured. Politically secure, Fernandez has prioritized the medical crisis over the economy, imposing some of the world’s strictest lockdown measures in mid-March and declaring a one-year national health emergency – the first country in Latin America to do so. However, Argentina’s multi-decade economic mismanagement and recent policy vacillations mean that the crisis came at a bad time. Argentina has been in a deep recession for over two years, with skyrocketing inflation and peso devaluation, excessive budget deficits and external debts, and a 10% poverty rate in 2018 (Chart 24). Former President Mauricio Macri’s badly needed but ultimately failed attempt at supply-side reforms resulted in an economic collapse that saw the left-wing Peronist/Kirchnerista faction regain power in 2019. Argentina’s fiscal problems will continue on the back of populist economic unorthodoxy. Sovereign risk has temporarily fallen. Argentina received a $300 million emergency loan from the World Bank and another $4 billion loan from the Inter-American Development Bank. The country has defaulted on sovereign debt nine times, but the Fernandez government reached a deal with its largest creditors to restructure $65 billion in early August. The government agreed to bring some debt payments forward, thus buying itself immediate debt relief. It now has a little more than five years until the debt pile’s biggest wave of maturities comes due (Chart 25). Chart 24Poverty Rates Spike Amid Crisis, Including In Argentina Chart 25Argentina's Sovereign Risk Will Rise From Here This deal will give President Fernandez a significant boost. He took office in December 2019 so he has time to ride out the crisis before facing voters again in 2023. However, his reliance on populist economic unorthodoxy ensures that Argentina’s fiscal problems will continue. Consider the following: Before Covid-19, in an attempt to regain credibility among international lenders, Fernandez appointed Martin Guzman, as Minister of Economy. Guzman is an academic and a disciple of American Nobel-prize winner Joseph Stiglitz, but has little policy-making experience. Fernandez pushed an Economic Emergency Law through Congress, giving him emergency powers to renegotiate debt terms and intervene in the economy. He re-imposed import-substitution policies, such as large tax increases on agricultural exports, currency controls, and utility price freezes. In Fernandez’s inauguration speech, he justified a return to leftist policies by saying, “until we eliminate hunger we will ask for greater solidarity from those who have more capacity to give it.” This is a traditional trap for Argentina which results in worse economic outcomes over the long run. Chart 26Argentina’s Government Scores Well In Opinion Fernandez’s government has increased fiscal spending on food aid and other safety nets for the unemployed and furloughed. It has required banks to give out loans at reduced interest rates. Initially it pledged 2% of GDP to social and welfare relief programs, but that number has risen since the onset of the pandemic. For now, Fernandez has considerable political capital. The crisis will wipe out the memory of the Kirchneristas’ previous failings. Social spending is now flowing to Fernandez’s political base and the informal sector of the economy, which accounts for almost half of all Argentine workers. Public support for Fernandez has remained strong through the economic woes and pandemic, with his approval rating at around 67%. Over 80% of people polled have confidence in the government’s handling of the virus (Chart 26), according to opinion polls. Profligate spending will likely continue beyond the cyclical demands of the current crisis, adding to Argentina’s unsustainable debt profile. When the pandemic subsides, international lenders will be less willing to extend credit to Argentina and invest, given their record of default and high tax rates. International companies and even small caps have fled the country due to its draconian currency controls. Bottom Line: Argentina has witnessed a fall in uncertainty but going forward political risk will revive. Populist Kirchnerista policies do not create productivity improvements or reduce debt, and the country’s macro fundamentals will underperform in the long run. RIP Venezuela: The Final (Final) Nail In The Coffin For years, Venezuela has suffered an economic crisis with high levels of unemployment, hyperinflation, and mass shortages of food, medical supplies, and even gasoline. Many citizens claim they’re more likely to die from starvation than the coronavirus. Out of the country’s 47 hospitals that are supposedly dedicated to COVID-19, only 57% have a regular water supply, while 43% have a shortage of PPE kits for medical staff and practitioners. Nicolas Maduro – the hapless successor to Hugo Chavez – declared a state of emergency and implemented a nationwide and long-lasting lockdown, enforced by police. The government issued a unique “7 + 7” plan, where strict lockdowns are imposed for seven days, relaxed for another seven days, re-imposed, and so on. Nevertheless, cases have been increasing. Over time the crisis in Venezuela has forced around five million Venezuelans, including skilled workers and medical doctors, to leave the country (Chart 27). Spillover effects are straining neighboring Colombia, which has taken in 1.5 million of the refugees, and Brazil. Although thousands of Venezuelans have returned home during the pandemic, the massive movements will only make the virus more prevalent. In early June, Maduro reopened borders with Colombia after closing them in February when opposition leader (and rival claimant to the presidency) Juan Guaidó tried to import foreign aid. Maduro denied that Venezuela is in humanitarian crisis and warned against a coup d'état by the United States. The political opposition is stymied for now. In January 2019, Guaidó declared himself president of Venezuela over Maduro, whose government has circumvented the constitutional system since losing the parliamentary election of 2015. Guaido receives broad support from the international community, including Europe and the United States, while Maduro is backed by China, Russia, and Iran. Over 18 months later, Guaidó wields nearly no power at home and Maduro remains in place with the army’s top generals still backing him. However, the Trump administration has expanded sanctions throughout its term. Maduro is unable to access international financing from the IMF, after requesting an emergency $5 billion loan to combat COVID-19, partly due to US opposition. Food prices in Venezuela have risen 259% since January. Low worldwide demand for oil – representing 32% of Venezuelan GDP – means the last leg of the economy has weakened. The government has little room to maneuver fiscally or otherwise combat the virus. Maduro has used the crisis to strengthen his domestic security grip. The military, police, and revolutionary militias are enforcing lockdowns to thwart demonstrations. The opposition is divided, with Guaidó now quarreling with former opposition leader Henrique Capriles over whether to contend the parliamentary elections on December 6. The elections will inevitably be rigged; but to boycott them is to allow Maduro officially to retake the key constitutional body that he lost (and then sidelined) back in 2016. Nevertheless, the material foundations of the country have long collapsed (Chart 28). The pandemic and recession will ultimately prove the final (final, final) nail in the coffin. The military is ruling from behind the scenes but will not want to jeopardize its own status when the Bolivarian revolution is finally abandoned. The timing of this denouement is, as always, anybody’s guess. Chart 27Venezuela’s Refugees Show State Collapse Chart 28Venezuela's Regime Cannot Survive   Bottom Line: President Trump will maintain maximum on Maduro and Venezuela as long as he is in office. The regime will struggle to survive long enough to enjoy the benefits of the commodity price upswing next year. Whenever Maduro falls, the prospect of an eventual resuscitation of oil production will open up. Bullish Colombia: Political Risk Contained (For Now) Chart 29Colombia Flattened The Curve The Colombian government responded swiftly to COVID-19. President Ivan Duque shut seven border crossings with Venezuela, declared a state of emergency, and imposed lockdown measures in mid-March. The measures have been stringent and extended. The effect on the spread of the disease is discernible compared to Colombia’s neighbors (Chart 29). The city of Medellin, with 2.5 million residents and only 2,399 coronavirus deaths, became the best-case scenario for combating the virus. Through the use of an online app, the city government connected people with money and food, while obtaining important data to track cases. Despite the lockdowns, fiscal policy has been tight. True, the government provided payroll subsidies for formal and informal workers unable to work during lockdowns.2 But government spending as a whole is limited (Chart 30). This is positive for the country’s currency and government bonds but will exacerbate political tensions later. Chart 30Colombia's Fiscal Hawkishness Good For Currency, But Will Spur Opposition Duque’s approval ratings were low back in February (23%) but nearly doubled when the crisis struck (Chart 31). However, they have since fallen back to around 40% and high unemployment and fiscal restraint will challenge his government in coming years. Chart 31Colombia’s President Struggling, But Has Time To Recover Pre-Election Colombia is relatively politically stable but tensions are building beneath the surface that will challenge the country’s recent improvements in governance and the 2016 peace deal. On August 4, former President Alvaro Uribe was put under house arrest by a section of the Colombian Supreme Court amid an investigation on witness tampering. He was the first ex-president to be detained in Colombia’s history. Subsequently he resigned from the Senate to obtain better treatment at the hands of the more friendly Attorney General’s office. Uribe is powerful. He created Centro Democratico, which is the largest party in the Senate and the second largest in Congress. He also hand-picked President Duque. His case will continue to be a source of political polarization. Right-leaning factions have not yet convinced moderates to oppose the country’s UN-backed 2016 peace deal, which ended decades of fighting between government forces and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the leading rebel group. If that changes, then domestic security will decline and investor sentiment will decline at least marginally. Colombia’s political polarization will be contained by Venezuela’s collapse – as long as the economy recovers. In the wake of the oil bust in 2014, Colombia saw the left-wing factions unite around a single candidate – Gustavo Petro, an ex-guerilla – who challenged the conservative establishment in the 2018 election, pledging to tackle inequality. Petro was soundly defeated, giving markets reason to cheer. Now, however, inequality is combining with a deep recession, austerity, and the potential for a failed peace process to challenge the conservatives in 2022. Table 1Latin America Is Vulnerable To Social Unrest Chart 32MXN, COL, And CLP Outperform While BRL Lags The saving grace for the conservatives will likely be the global cyclical upswing, combined with Venezuela’s collapse continuing to unite the right and divide the left. However, the Uribe faction’s dominance is getting long in the tooth and Colombia is vulnerable to social unrest based on our COVID-19 Unrest Index (Table 1). The election is not all that soon. The Colombian peso is still relatively cheap and yet has outperformed other emerging market currencies due to the strong COVID-19 response and the oil rally (Chart 32). Bottom Line: Tight fiscal policy combined with a strong pandemic response – and the recovery in oil prices – will benefit the Colombian peso. Equities are attractively valued. Political risk will build as the 2022 election draws closer, however. Volatile Chile: Tactical Buys Hinge On Politics, China Chile has been a hotspot for the coronavirus. Its lackluster response to the pandemic is fanning the embers of the social unrest that erupted last year. Unrest is tied to a larger political crisis unfolding over the constitutional order, which evolved from the 1980 constitution of dictator Augusto Pinochet. Chile is transitioning from a neoliberal economic model to a welfare state, as Arthur Budaghyan and Juan Egaña of BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy showed in an excellent special report last year. This transition raises headwinds for an currency, equities, and government bonds. The Chilean government, led by President Sebastián Piñera, declared a state of emergency in March and boosted health care spending throughout the country. The government also passed numerous emergency relief packages to small businesses, workers of the informal economy, and local governments. However, high levels of poverty and overcrowding, especially in the capital of Santiago, have hindered efforts to contain the coronavirus (Chart 33). The government imposed strict lockdowns, including a nationwide increase in police and up to five-year prison penalties for violating quarantines. The political opposition argues that Piñera’s extension of the “state of catastrophe” has allowed him to use emergency powers to restrict citizens’ rights in the name of curbing the pandemic. His approval rating has fallen beneath 22% while popular disapproval has surged above 68% (Chart 34). Chart 33Chile’s Handling Of COVID-19 Largely Successful Chart 34Chile’s Govt Embattled Amid Constitutional Rewrite Chart 35Chile: Inequality Falling, But High Level Still Sparks Unrest Chile was already a tinderbox before the pandemic. Beginning with a small hike to subway fares in Santiago in October 2019, pent-up social grievances erupted against the country’s elite. Protests have continued even during lockdowns and morphed into demands for broader social reform (Chart 35). Chile's top rank on our COVID-19 Social Unrest Index belies the fact that it has high wealth inequality, a threadbare social safety net, high debt levels, and now higher unemployment (Table 1). Table 1Latin America Is Vulnerable To Social Unrest In a concession to protesters, the Piñera administration agreed to revise the constitution. A popular referendum will be held on October 25, though it has already been delayed once. The referendum will determine whether to hold a direct constitutional assembly, whose members are drawn from the population as a whole, or a mixed constitutional assembly, in which congress takes up half of the seats. The latter is the more conservative option; the former is more progressive and will deepen political polarization as the political establishment will resist it (Chart 36). The process to revise the constitution is supposed to last until the end of 2022 but it could drag on longer. Moreover it will be complicated by presidential and legislative elections slated for November 2021. The timing of these events ensures that short-term partisan factors will have a major impact on constitutional revision, which bodes ill for resolving structural political problems. The Piñera administration’s goal is to pacify the protesters with some reforms, thus winning his party re-election, while preserving key elements of the current political establishment. But the pandemic has made it harder to do this, requiring either greater government concessions or a new round of unrest. The implication is that political risk will remain elevated over the next few years. Political risk will thus undermine good news on the macro front, including the peso’s strong performance this year so far (Chart 32 above). Of course, there are positive macro factors countervailing this political risk. One of which is China’s recovery. Beijing accounts for 51% of global copper demand, and Chile provides 28% of mine supply, and China is stimulating aggressively. Chilean exports track even more closely with China’s credit impulse than those of other Latin American economies (Chart 37). Chart 36COVID-19 Unrest Index: If Chile Faces Unrest, Then All Latin America Faces Unrest However, the market has partly priced China’s boost whereas Chile’s political risk will erupt again soon. With regard to the US election, Chile stands to benefit from a Democratic victory that improves the outlook for China’s economy and global trade. Like Peru, Chile is a member of the CPTPP and stands to benefit if Biden is elected and eventually rejoins this pact. Chart 37Chile Constitutional Battle Will Increase Political Risk   Bottom Line: A secular rise in domestic political risk as the country is pressured to expand the social safety net is a negative factor for the peso and stock market that will weigh on its otherwise positive macro backdrop. Investment Takeaways The above review reveals some common threads. First, the last decade has not led to lasting neoliberal reforms or major strides in promoting productivity. Attempts at supply-side structural reform have been modest or have failed entirely in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico. Colombia’s attempt at a peace deal may falter. Venezuela is a failed state. Second, populism, whether left-wing or right-wing, entails that most governments will pursue economic growth at any cost. Fiscal hawkishness has been put on pause, with the exception of Mexico and Colombia, where it will benefit the currencies. Near-term risks abound in Q4 2020 but the long term is favorable for Latin American financial assets due to global reflation. China is stimulating its economy aggressively. US sanctions will weigh on China, but it will need to stimulate more in response to maintain internal stability. This will boost commodity prices. The dollar will eventually weaken as global growth recovers, the Fed avoids raising rates, and the US maintains large twin deficits. This is ultimately true even if Trump is re-elected. A weaker dollar helps commodities and Latin American countries with US dollar debts. All things considered, Mexico and Colombia will come out looking the best, but we will also look for opportunities when discounts on Chilean assets become excessive. The US’s secular confrontation with China over trade tensions holds out the prospect of Latin American markets reversing their long equity underperformance relative to Asian manufacturers (Chart 38). Latin American manufacturers like Mexico will benefit from American trade diversification. If the US joins the CPTPP, then Chile and Peru will also benefit. Metals producers like Chile will benefit most from China’s stimulus. Chart 38China's Stimulus A Boon For Latin America   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Daniel Kohen Consulting Editor Footnotes 1 The Ministry of Health exemplifies growing fractures across the administration. In mid-May, the Health Minister (Nelson Teich) resigned just four weeks into the job, after Bolsonaro fired the previous one (Luiz Henrique Mandetta) for defending lockdown measures imposed by some mayors and governors. 2 There are about 1.8 million Venezuelan refugees in Colombia. They rely on the informal work, with many falling back into poverty as a result of the mandatory quarantines.

Last Friday, my colleague Dhaval Joshi and I held a webcast discussing investment strategies. The topics of discussion included global equity valuations, mega-cap stocks leadership and the outlook for EM stocks, fixed-income and currencies. You can listen to the webcast recording by clicking here.   An Opportunity In Pakistani Equities And Bonds Pakistani stock prices in US dollar terms are currently 20% lower than their January high and 56% lower than their 2017 high (Chart I-1, top panel). Meanwhile, the government projected a contraction in real GDP during the fiscal year 2019-20 (ending on June 30), the first in 68 years. We believe stock prices have already priced in plenty of negatives, and that Pakistani equities are likely to move higher over the next six months. Strengthening the balance of payments (BoP) position and continuing policy rate cuts will increase investors’ confidence and benefit its stock market (Chart I-2). We also expect the Pakistani bourse to outperform the EM equity benchmark (Chart I-1, bottom panel). Chart I-1Pakistani Equities: More Upside Ahead Chart I-2Monetary Easing Will Help Pakistani Equities   Chart I-3The Current Account Deficit Is Set To Shrink Further Balance Of Payments Position Pakistan’s BoP position is set to improve. First, its trade deficit will shrink further, as Pakistan’s export will likely improve more than its imports (Chart I-3). The country’s total exports declined 6.8% year-on-year in June, which is a considerable improvement as compared to the massive 54% and 33% contractions that occurred in April and May, respectively. The country was on a strict lockdown for the whole month of April, which was then lifted in early May. As the number of daily new cases and deaths are falling, the country is likely to remain open, lowering the odds of a domestic supply disruption. In addition, as DM growth recovers, the demand for Pakistani products will improve as well. Europe and the US together account for about 54% of Pakistan’s exports. The government is keen to boost the performance of the domestic textile sector, which accounts for nearly 60% of the country’s total exports. The government will likely approve the industry’s request for supportive measures, including access to competitively priced energy, a lower sales tax rate, quick refunds, and a reduction of the turnover tax rate. Moreover, the government has prepared an incentive package for the global promotion of the country’s information technology (IT) sector, aiming to increase IT service exports from the current level of US$1 billion to US$10 billion by 2023. Currently, over 6,000 Pakistan-based IT companies are providing IT products and services to entities in over 100 countries worldwide. Regarding Pakistan’s imports, low oil prices will help reduce the country’s import bill year-on-year over the next six months. Second, remittance inflows – currently at 9% of GDP – have become an extremely important source of financing for Pakistan’s trade deficit. Even though about half of the remittances sent to Pakistan are from oil-producing regions like Saudi Arabia, UAE, Oman and Qatar, low oil prices may only have a limited impact on Pakistan’s remittance inflows. For example, when Brent oil prices fell to US$40 in early 2016, remittances sent to Pakistan in the second half of that year declined by only 1.9% on year-on-year terms. Over the first six months of this year, the remittances received by Pakistan still had a year-on-year growth of 8.7%.   At the same time, the government has planned various measures to boost remittances. For example, a “national remittance loyalty program” will be launched on September 1, 2020, in which various incentives would be given to remitters. Strengthening the balance of payments (BoP) position and continuing policy rate cuts will increase investors’ confidence and benefit its stock market. Third, Pakistan will receive considerable financial inflows this year, probably amounting to over US$12 billion1 from multilateral and bilateral sources. This will be more than enough to finance its current account deficit, which was at US$11 billion over the past 12 months. In April, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) approved the disbursement of about US$1.4 billion to Pakistan under the Rapid Financing Instrument designed to address the economic impact of the Covid-19 shock. The World Bank and the Asian Development Bank have also pledged around US$ 2.5 billion in assistance. The IMF and the Pakistani government are in talks about the completion of the second review for the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) program. If completed in the coming months, the IMF will likely disburse about US$1 billion to Pakistan in the second half of this year.  In April, G20 countries also awarded Pakistan a suspension of debt service payments, valued at US$ 1.8 billion, which will be used to pay for Pakistan’s welfare programs. In early July, the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) received a US$1 billion loan disbursement from China. This came after Beijing awarded Pakistan a US$300 million loan last month. The authorities plan to raise US$1.5 billion through the issuance of Eurobonds over the next 12 months. Other than the funds borrowed by the Pakistani government, net foreign direct inflows, mainly driven by phase II of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), are set to continue to increase over the remainder of this year, having already grown 40% year-on-year during the first six months of this year. About 63% of that increase came from China. Meanwhile, as we expect macro dynamics to improve in the next six months, net portfolio investment is also likely to increase after having been record low this year (Chart I-4). In addition, as the geopolitical confrontation between the US and China is likely to persist over many years, both Chinese and global manufacturers may move their factories from China to Pakistan.2 Bottom Line: Pakistan’s BoP position will be ameliorating in the months to come. Lower Inflation And Monetary Easing Continuous monetary easing is very likely and will depend on the extent of the decline in domestic inflation. Both headline and core inflation rates seem to have peaked in January (Chart I-5). Significant local currency depreciation last year had spurred inflation in Pakistan. Then, early this year, supply disruptions and hoarding behaviors attributed to the pandemic have contributed to elevated inflation. Chart I-4Net Portfolio Investment Inflows Are Likely To Increase Chart I-5Both Headline And Core Inflation Rates Will Likely Fall Further   A closer look at the inflation subcomponents shows that recreation and culture, communication, and education have already fallen well below 5% in the last month. Transport inflation came in negative at 4.4% in June.  The inflation of non-perishable food items was still stubbornly high at 14.9% last month. Increasing the food supply and reducing hoarding will help ease that. This, along with a stable exchange rate and a negative output gap will cause a meaningful drop in inflation. As inflation drops, interest rates will be reduced to facilitate an economic recovery. While the current 7% policy rate is lower than headline inflation, and on par with core inflation, Pakistani interest rates remain much higher than those in many other emerging countries. Investment Recommendations We recommend buying Pakistani equities in absolute terms and continuing to overweight this bourse within the emerging markets space. The stock market will benefit from a business cycle recovery following the worst recession in history, worse than during the 2008 Great Recession (Chart I-6). Fertilizer and cement producers, which together account for nearly 30% of the overall stock market, will benefit from falling energy prices, a significant cut in interest rates and supportive government measures. The government recently approved subsidies to encourage fertilizer output. In the meantime, the country’s construction stimulus package and its easing of lockdown orders will help lift demand for cement over the second half of 2020.  As a result, both fertilizer and cement output are set to increase (Chart I-7). Besides, a cheapened currency will limit fertilizer imports and help cement producers export their output, which will benefit their revenue. Chart I-6Manufacturing Activity In Pakistan Will Soon Rebound Chart I-7Both Fertilizer And Cement Output Are Set To Increase   Banks account for about 22% of the overall stock market. Our stress test on the Pakistani banking sector shows it is modestly undervalued at present (Table I-1). Even assuming the worst-case scenario for non-performing loans (NPL), where the NPL ratio would rise to 17.5% from the current 6.6%, the resulting adjusted price-to-book ratio will be only 1.6. Table I-1Stress Test On Pakistani Banking Sector Both in absolute terms, and relative to EM valuations, Pakistani stocks appear attractive (Charts I-8 and I-9). Finally, foreign investors have bailed out of Pakistani stocks and local currency bonds since 2018, as illustrated in Chart I-4 on page 4. Ameliorating economic conditions will lure foreign investors back. Chart I-8Pakistani Equities: Valuation Measures Are Attractive In Both Absolute Terms… Chart I-9…And Relative To The EM Benchmark   For fixed-income investors, we recommend continuing to hold the long Pakistani local currency 5-year government bonds position, which has produced a 12% return since our recommendation on December 5th 2019. We expect interest rates to drop another 100 basis points (Chart I-5, bottom panel, on page 5).  Ellen JingYuan He Associate Vice President ellenj@bcaresearch.com Chile: Not Out Of The Woods Copper prices have staged an impressive rally in the past four months, but the performance of Chilean markets remains lackluster (Chart II-1). While the red metal has broken above its January highs, Chile’s equities and currency are still trading 25% and 5% below their January peak, respectively.    The government’s mismanagement of the pandemic has reignited and heightened the existing socio-political discontent, thus increasing the fragility of the situation. We therefore recommend that investors maintain a cautious stance on Chilean assets. As for dedicated EM portfolios, we recommend moving this bourse from neutral to underweight: First, the lockdowns resulting from the pandemic have revealed the precarious financial condition of low and middle-class households. The lack of savings among these groups prevented workers from self-isolating for more than a couple of weeks. The urge for them to return to work enabled the outbreak to escalate in May. Consequently, these social groups have suffered from infections, and Chile has rapidly become one of the worst affected countries in the world in terms of per-capita COVID-19 cases and deaths. Chart II-2 shows that, as a share of total population, Chile tops the region in terms of cummulative cases and deaths. Moreover, Chile has the eighth highest COVID-19 infections per capita in the world, even though its testing rate per capita is lower than that of Europe and the US. Chart II-1Chilean Markets Have Been Much Weaker Than Copper Chart II-2The Pandemic Has Hit Chile Hard   Chart II-3The Economy Is In The Doldrums Given the wide spread of the virus, Chile has implemented harsher quarantine measures than the rest of the region, which means that the economic reopening and recovery will start from a lower level of activity. The inability of President Pinera’s administration to protect low and middle-class households from being exposed to the virus has renewed a nation-wide distrust in the government. According to Cadem, one of the country’s most cited polling companies, President Pinera’s approval rating has fallen back to just 17%, not far from the lows seen during last year’s violent social unrest. In sum, these recent events have confirmed our major theme for Chile, discussed in our December Special Report. It reads as follows: Chile’s political elite has been greatly underestimating the depth and gravity of the popular frustration and has been reluctant to address the issue in a meaningful way. Consequently, Chile is set to experience a renewal in protests and a rise in political volatility as the date of the referendum on the Constitution, which is scheduled to take place in October, nears. Second, Chile is experiencing its worst recession in modern history. Chart II-3shows that the economy was already in a slump at the beginning of the year, and the economic lockdown has caused double-digit contractions in many sectors. Further, business confidence never fully recovered from last year’s social protests and has been plummeting deeper since the start of the pandemic (Chart II-3, bottom panel). Chart II-4Banks' NPLs Are Set To Rise While President Pinera’s decision to prioritize small and medium-sized businesses (SMEs) has been popular among the middle class, the reality is that Chile remains a highly oligopolistic market, dominated by large companies. The failure to support these businesses will prevent a revival in business sentiment, hiring and investment and, hence, prolong the economic downtrend. This unprecedent economic contraction has caused a rapid surge in non-performing loans (NPLs), which will hurt banks’ capital profits and tighten lending standards. NPLs will rise much further given the record depth of this recession (Chart II-4). Moreover, bank stocks compose 25% of the MSCI Chile index, so a hit to banking profitability will exert downward pressure on the equity index. Third, even though fiscal and monetary stimuli have been large and were implemented rapidly, they are probably insufficient to produce a quick recovery. The government first announced a fiscal plan between March 19 and April 8 worth US$ 17 billion (or 6% of GDP), the third largest in the region. However, it is still quite small compared to that of OECD members. Excluding liquidity provisions for SMEs and tax reductions, the size of new government spending in 2020 is only 3.5% of GDP. On June 14, the government devised another fiscal plan, worth US$ 12 billon (or 5% of GDP). However, it will be spread out over the next 24 months – only 1.5% of GDP of additional stimulus will be injected over the next 12 months. This extra kick in spending seems too small given the depth of the recession.  In terms of monetary policy, the Chilean central bank has already reached the limits of its orthodox toolkit. The monetary authorities have cut the policy rate by 125 basis points since November of last year, but they have reached the constitutional technical minimum of 0.5%. The central bank is now using alternative tools to stimulate the economy, such as offering cheap lending to SMEs and a US$ 8 billion quantitative easing program for buying financial institutions’ bonds, as the Constitution forbids the purchasing of government and non-financial corporate debt. In a nutshell, the overall efficiency of these monetary policies will be subdued as the main drags on the economy are downbeat business and consumer confidence stemming from ongoing socio-political tensions, not high interest rates. Chile is shrouded in a cloud of political uncertainty. Monetary policy has reached its limits, and fiscal stimulus is insufficient for now. Fourth, higher copper prices will help on the margin, but will not bail out the Chilean economy.  Even with the latest rally in copper prices, Chilean copper exports will continue contracting in US$ terms. The latest increase in prices will be more than offset by output cuts caused by social distancing rules and reduced staff in mines all over the country.  Bottom Line: Chile is shrouded in a cloud of political uncertainty. Monetary policy has reached its limits, and fiscal stimulus is insufficient for now. Investment recommendations Chart II-5Our CLP vs. USD Trade Continue shorting the CLP relative to a basket of the CHF, EUR and JPY. We closed our short CLP/USD on July 9th with a 29% profit (Chart II-5) and began shorting it versus an equal-weighted basket of the CHF, EUR and JPY. Within an EM equity portfolio, downgrade Chilean stocks from neutral to underweight. An ailing economy and political uncertainty will divert capital from the country despite attractive equity valuations. For an EM local bond portfolio, we are also downgrading Chile from neutral to underweight, as the risk of renewed currency depreciation is too large to ignore and downside in yields is limited due to the zero bound. Juan Egaña Research Associate juane@bcaresearch.com The Czech Republic: Pay Rates And Go Long The Currency An opportunity to bet on higher longer-term interest rates and on a stronger currency has emerged in the Czech Republic (Chart III-1). Consumer price inflation is above the central bank’s 2% target and will continue to rise, which will necessitate higher interest rates (Chart III-2). The latter will lead to currency appreciation. Chart III-1Pay Rates And Go Long CZK vs. USD Chart III-2Inflation Is Above The CB Bands   The Czech authorities’ strong fiscal and monetary support of the economy amid the COVID recession will keep both labor demand and, thereby, wages supported. In turn, core inflation will likely prove resilient in the near term and will rise over the coming 12-18 months, putting upward pressure on long-term interest rates. First, Prime Minister Andrej Babis is determined to promote a rapid economic recovery, as there are upcoming elections scheduled for next year. In early July, the government approved another spending program that will in part finance infrastructure projects and promote job creation in the non-manufacturing sector. The bill is expected to boost infrastructure spending by 140 billion koruna (or 2.5% of GDP) in 2020, and is part of a multi-decade national investment plan to increase domestic productivity. In particular, the construction sector will benefit from a massive uplift in domestic capex that will go towards upgrading the transport network. This will produce a job boom in the construction industry which should mitigate the employment losses in manufacturing and tourism. Second, shortages continue to persist in the labor market. Our labor shortage proxy is at an all-time high, suggesting that labor shortages will continue to facilitate faster wage growth (Chart III-3). Interestingly, Chart III-4 suggests that overall job vacancies have plateaued but have not dropped. This signifies pent-up demand for labor. Critically, this hiring challenge is likely to make industrial firms reluctant to shed workers amid the transitory pandemic-induced manufacturing downturn. Chart III-3Labor Shortages = Wages Higher Chart III-4Job Vacancies Are Holding Up   Either way, competition for labor in manufacturing and other sectors will keep a firm bid on both wages and unit labor costs in the medium to long term (Chart III-5). Third, low real interest rates will promote domestic credit growth (Chart III-6), helping support final domestic demand which, in turn, will lift inflation. Chart III-5Structural Pressure On Labor Costs Chart III-6Low Rates Will Bolster Domestic Demand   Similarly, residential real estate prices and rents will continue to grow at a hefty pace due to low borrowing costs and residential property shortages. Core inflation will likely prove resilient in the near term and will rise over the coming 12-18 months, putting upward pressure on long-term interest rates. Finally, core inflation measures are hovering well above the 2% target and the upper band of 3% (Chart III-2 on page 13). As such, the Czech National Bank (CNB) is likely to hike interest rates sooner rather than later. Critically, inflation is acute across various parts of the economy. Specifically, service price inflation is likely to continue rising in the wake of announced price hikes in public services, such as transport. These are being devised by local authorities to counteract a loss in tax revenue. Altogether, easy fiscal policy (infrastructure spending) will support labor demand, wage growth and final domestic demand, in turn heightening inflationary pressures. Unlike its counterparts in the EU, the CNB is more sensitive to price increases due to the relatively higher starting point of inflation in the Czech economy. As such, the central bank will be the first to hike interest rates among its EU counterparts, tolerating the currency appreciation that will come with it. The basis is Czech domestic demand and income growth will be robust. Investment Recommendation Czech swap rates are currently pricing a rise of only 55 bps in interest rates over the next 10 years. As a result, we recommend investors pay 10-year swap rates (see the top panel of Chart III-1 on page 13). We also recommend going long the Czech koruna versus the US dollar. Unlike the Czech central bank, the US Federal Reserve will keep interest rates very low for too long. In short, the Fed will fall well behind the curve, while the CNB will hike earlier. Rising Czech rates versus US rates favor the koruna against the dollar. This is a structural position that will be held for the next couple of years. It is also consistent with the change in our view on the USD, which has gone from positive to negative in our report from July 9. Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 Regarding Pakistan’s net financial inflows this year, we estimated that net foreign investment inflows, net foreign portfolio inflows and net other financial inflows to be about US$ 1.5 billion, US$ 0.5 billion, and US$ 10.5 billion, respectively, based on past data and the six-month outlook of the country’s economy. 2 Please see the following articles: Chinese Companies to Relocate Factories to Pakistan Under CPEC Project Importers Survey Shows Production Leaving China for Vietnam, Pakistan, Bangladesh   Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

Please note that yesterday we published Special Report titled Do Not Overlook China’s Innovation Drive. Please click on it to access it. Today, we publish analysis on Brazil and Ukraine.   Chart I-1Brazilian Share Prices And Commodity Prices Move In Tandem A FOMO (fear-of-missing-out) mania has pushed equity prices higher around the world. Brazilian stocks, currency and credit markets, likewise, have been staging a rebound. There is evidence that in Brazil equity purchases by local investors have been driving up share prices.1 The absolute performance of Brazilian share prices and the exchange rate trend will likely depend on commodities prices and a global rally in risk assets (Chart I-1). In relative terms, Brazilian financial markets will underperform their EM counterparts because of the following: Brazil is on track for its worst economic contraction in the past century following the deep recession of 2014-2016 (Chart I-2). This is the first nominal GDP contraction in Brazil. Growth was feeble even before the pandemic struck, but the COVID-19 lockdowns were the last nail in the coffin for the economy. Given that Brazil has not been able to control the spread of the virus – having hit another high in daily new infections last Friday – major cities will be forced to maintain social distancing measures for longer, delaying a recovery in consumer and business confidence. Chart I-2The Level Of Economic Activity In Real And Nominal Terms Table I-1Brazil's Fiscal Package Is The Largest In The Region   While Brazil has deployed the largest COVID-19 fiscal package in the region (Table I-1), its economic recovery will lag behind the majority of EM and DM countries. State-sponsored loans have not been reaching small and micro businesses, which employ over half of the working force. Moreover, informal workers amount to about 20% of the country’s total population, and they also have not been receiving any economic benefits other than a $120 US dollar monthly stipend. Household income growth was subdued during the 2017-2019 recovery. To support their living standards, families were aggressively borrowing before the pandemic (Chart I-3, top panel). Now, with their income contracting and household debt servicing costs above 20% of disposable income, consumer loan defaults will mushroom (Chart I-3, bottom panel). Chart I-4 shows that non-performing loans (NPL) for households are rising as a share of total consumer loans. Chart I-3Household Income, Credit And Debt Service Chart I-4Mushrooming Consumer Delinquencies   The private banks’ NPL provisions are set to surge due to rising defaults. Consumer loans make up 53% of private banks’ non-earmarked (non state-directed) lending. Chart I-5 shows that bank share prices are highly correlated with the annual change in provisions (shown inverted). Hence, the further rise in provisions will continue undermining bank share prices. We published a Special Report on Brazilian banks on March 31 and their outlook remains dismal. Besides, facing high credit risks, private banks have tightened credit standards and loan origination is plummeting, further hurting the economy. The sheer size of the fiscal stimulus and the historic nominal GDP contraction will push the gross public debt-to-GDP ratio well above 100% by end-2020. As discussed in our previous reports,2 and provided local currency interest rates remain above nominal GDP growth, public debt is on an unsustainable trajectory (Chart I-6). Chart I-5Do Not Chase Brazilian Bank Stocks Chart I-6Government Bond Yields Are Well Above Nominal GDP Growth   Chart I-7The Social Security Deficit Is Widening The only way to stabilize the public debt-to-GDP ratio in Brazil is via the central bank conducting substantial quantitative easing, i.e. monetary authorities purchasing local government bonds. This will push local bond yields much lower and over time boost nominal GDP growth. With interest rate on government debt below nominal GDP growth over several years, the condition of public debt sustainability will be achieved. However, this amounts to monetization of public debt and, if carried on a large scale, it will suffocate the exchange rate – the currency would depreciate a lot. Furthermore, the projected BRL 800 billion (11% of GDP) in savings from the infamous pension reform will be impossible to achieve. Chart I-7 shows that the social security deficit has widened since March due to the shortfall in revenues. Given social security revenues are derived from taxes on workers and businesses, this deficit will continue to increase as employment and wages collapse while pension payouts remain fixed. Finally, the political situation is in disarray and a presidential impeachment might be inevitable. President Bolsonaro has become even more radical and is in conflict with various branches of power. Meanwhile, corruption and electoral fraud investigations against him and his allies continue to develop. The key risk to our negative view is as follows: One could argue that investors have lost faith in the Bolsonaro administration and are actually looking forward to his removal from office. Hence, the escalating political crisis culminating in Bolsonaro’s impeachment would be bullish for financial markets. This is a valid perspective given Vice-president Mourão – who has the backing of the army and adheres to a more centrist view on a wide range of issues - would assume the presidency in the case of impeachment. He would maintain orthodox economic policies and cooperate with Congress. This kind of thinking from investors might be taking its cues from the political dynamics and market actions in early 2016, when Brazilian markets bottomed seven months before then President Dilma Rousseff was impeached. Brazil is on track for its worst economic contraction in the past century following the deep recession of 2014-2016. In addition, the long-term political outlook for Brazil might be turning positive. The quite popular ex-Justice Minister Sergio Moro hinted last week that he could run in the 2022 presidential race. While he did not explicitly announce his candidacy, he stated that he wants to “participate” in the public debate by presenting a pro-market and anti-corruption alternative to Bolsonaro. If Moro runs, he will likely win given his enormous popularity. His victory will be accordingly cheered by international and domestic investors as he would run on a platform of structural reforms. Chart I-8The Brazilian Real Is Only Modestly Cheap Nevertheless, in the near term Bolsonaro will try to maintain his grip on power as long as he can. Foreseeing the risk of impeachment, he has strengthened his ties with the big coalition of small centrist parties in Congress. For now, it is not clear if Congress will vote for his removal. Importantly, the more radical and autocratic Bolsonaro becomes in a bid to save his presidency, the higher the odds of Economy Minister Paulo Guedes resigning. This was the case with the Ministers of Health and Justice and the Secretary of the Treasury. The latter was a key figure in drafting economic reforms. If Guedes resigns, it will send shockwaves throughout the nation’s financial markets. Bottom Line: Continue underweighting Brazilian equities and fixed income within their respective EM universes. We took profits on our short BRL/long USD position on June 4th due to tactical considerations. Investors should consider shorting the BRL again. The BRL is somewhat but not very cheap (Chart I-8). Juan Egaña Research Associate juane@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Ukraine: An Opportunity In Bonds Is Still Present Investors should stay long local currency government bonds and continue overweighting the nation’s sovereign credit within the EM sovereign credit universe. Ukraine is pursuing prudent fiscal policy under the auspices of the IMF. With the government refraining from announcing a large-scale fiscal spending package amid the COVID-19 outbreak, its fiscal overall and primary deficits will widen to 8% and 4% of GDP, respectively. In particular, the increase in healthcare and social spending will be partially offset by both a reduction in discretionary spending and a cap on public wages. Such a conservative policy approach is negative for growth but will result in lower inflation and a stable exchange rate. Critically, a prudent fiscal policy will allow the central bank to cut interest rates. Both headline and core consumer price inflation are well below the lower end of the central bank’s target band (Chart II-1). Nominal wage growth is heading toward zero and will probably deflate by the end of this year (Chart II-2). Falling domestic demand will ensure that any rise in inflation due to currency depreciation will be modest. Chart II-1Inflation Is Undershooting Chart II-2Wage Growth Is Subdued!   As a result of considerable disinflation, real interest rates are still very high. Elevated real rates warrant large interest rate cuts by the central bank. Deflated by core consumer inflation, the real policy rate is 8% and the real lending rate is 12% for companies and over 30% for consumer credit (Chart II-3). A conservative policy approach is negative for growth but will result in lower inflation and a stable exchange rate. High real rates will entice foreign portfolio capital. Chart II-4 demonstrates that foreign investors have reduced their holdings of local bonds from $5.2 billion at the end of 2019 to $3.75 billion currently. Given the very low real rates worldwide, Ukraine is one of few markets offering high real rates with decent macro policies, at least in the medium term. Chart II-3Elevated Real Rates Warrant More Rate Cuts By CB Chart II-4Foreign Inflows Could Resume   With regard to the balance of payments, the recently announced $5 billion IMF loan should help ease short-term funding for the country. The 18-month arrangement will provide the immediate disbursement of $2.1 billion with a second disbursement of $0.7 billion expected by the end of September after the IMF program review. Importantly, plummeting imports and relatively resilient exports will narrow the current account deficit (Chart II-5). Exports should remain supported by food exports, which represents close to 40% of overall exports. Besides, the central bank also carries $25 billion in foreign exchange reserves, which compares with $18 billion in foreign funding requirements for 2020 (Chart II-6). So far, the central bank has refrained from selling foreign exchange reserves but might do so if the currency depreciates significantly. Chart II-5Current Account Will Balance Soon Chart II-6Foreign Funding Requirements Are Covered By FX Reserves   Bottom Line: We continue to recommend holding 5-year local currency government bonds currently yielding 11%. Even though moderate currency depreciation cannot be ruled out, on a total return basis domestic bonds will deliver decent returns to foreign investors in the next 6-12 months.  EM fixed income investors should continue overweighting domestic bonds and sovereign US dollar credit within respective EM portfolios. Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1     Investors ignore triple crisis and bet on equities 2     Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Countries In-Depth "Brazil: Deflationary Pressures Warrant A Weaker BRL," dated November 28, 2019 available at ems.bcaresearch.com Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Countries In-Depth "Brazil: Just Above "Stall Speed"," dated September 27, 2019 available at ems.bcaresearch.com   Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

Please note that yesterday we published Special Report on Egypt recommending buying domestic bonds while hedging currency risk. Today we are enclosing analysis on Hungary, Poland and Colombia. I will present our latest thoughts on the global macro outlook and implications for EM during today’s webcast at 10 am EST. You can access the webcast by clicking here. Yours sincerely, Arthur Budaghyan Hungary Versus Poland: Mind The Reversal Conditions are set for the Hungarian forint to outperform the Polish zloty over the coming months. We recommend going long the HUF against the PLN. Hungarian opposition parties criticized the government about the considerable depreciation in the forint. As a result, we suspect that political pressure from Prime Minister Viktor Orban led monetary authorities to alter their stance since April. Critically, the main architect of super-dovish monetary policy Marton Nagy resigned from the board of the central bank on May 28. In line with tighter liquidity, interbank rates have risen above the policy rate. This is marginally positive for the forint. The Hungarian central bank (NBH) tweaked its monetary policy in April after the currency had plunged to new lows against the euro, underperforming its Central European counterparts. The NBH widened its policy rate corridor by hiking the upper interest band to 1.85% and keeping the policy rate at 0.90%. The wider interest rate corridor makes it more costly for commercial banks to borrow reserves from the central bank. Hence, such liquidity tightening is positive for the forint. For years, Hungary was pursuing a super-easy monetary policy and consumer price inflation rose to 4% (Chart I-1). With the NBH keeping interest rates close to zero, real rates have plunged well into negative territory (Chart I-2, top panel). Chart I-1Hungary: Inflation Could Pause For Now Chart I-2Hungary Vs. Poland: Real Rates Reversal Is Coming     In brief, the central bank has been behind the inflation curve. As a result, the forint has been depreciating against both the euro and its central European peers. In such a situation, the key to reversal in the exchange rate trend would be the monetary authority’s readiness to raise real interest rates. The NBH has made a small step in this direction. Going forward, the central bank will be restrained in its quantitative easing (QE) program and will not augment it any further. So far, QE uptake has been slow: around half out of the available HUF 1,500 billion has been tapped by commercial banks and corporates. Importantly, the NBH announced its intention to sterilize its government and corporate bond purchases. Already, the commercial banks excess reserves at the central bank have fallen to zero, which suggests that liquidity is no longer abundant in the banking system (Chart I-3). In line with tighter liquidity, interbank rates have risen above the policy rate. This is marginally positive for the forint. Hungarian authorities have become more cognizant of the economic and financial risks associated with their ultra-accommodative policies. For instance, they initiated a clampdown on real estate speculation, which is leading to dwindling real estate prices. This will lead to a decline in overall inflation expectations and, thereby, lift expected real interest rates. The open nature of Hungary’s economy – whereby exports of goods and services constitute 85% of GDP - makes it much more sensitive to pan-European tourism and manufacturing cycles. With the collapse in its manufacturing and tourism revenues, wage growth in Hungary is bound to decelerate rapidly (Chart I-4). Chart I-3Hungary: Central Bank Has Drained Liquidity Chart I-4Economic Growth: Hungary Is More Vulnerable Than Poland   Rapidly deteriorating wage and employment dynamics reduces the odds of an inflation breakout anytime soon. This will cool down inflation and, thereby, increase real rates on the margin. The central bank in Poland will stay super accommodative while the National Bank of Hungary will be a bit less aggressive. Bottom Line: Although this monetary policy adjustment does not entail the end of easy policy in Hungary, generally, it does signal restraint on the part of monetary authorities resulting from a much reduced tolerance for currency depreciation. This creates conditions for the forint to outperform. Poland In the meantime, Polish monetary authorities have switched into an ultra-accommodative mode. Recent policy announcements by the National Bank of Poland (NBP) represent the most dramatic example of policy easing in Central Europe. Such a policy stance in Poland will produce lower real rates than in Hungary, which is negative for the Polish zloty against the forint. The NBP is set to finance the majority of a new 11% of GDP fiscal spending program enacted by the government amid the COVID-19 lockdowns. This amounts to de-facto public debt and fiscal deficit monetization. The latter will not be sterilized unlike in Hungary and will therefore lead to an excess liquidity overflow in the banking system. The Polish central bank has cut interest rates by 140 bps to 10 bps since March. Pushing nominal rates down close to zero has produced more negative real policy rates than in Hungary (Chart I-2, top panel on page 2). Also, Polish prime lending rates in real terms have fallen below those in Hungary (Chart I-2, bottom panel). Chances are that inflation in Poland will also prove to be stickier than in Hungary due to the minimum wage raise at the beginning of the year and very aggressive fiscal and monetary stimulus since the pandemics has erupted (Chart I-5). Critically, the Polish economy is much less open than Hungary’s, and it is therefore less vulnerable to the collapse of pan-European manufacturing and tourism. This will ensure better employment and wage conditions in Poland. All in all, Poland’s final demand outperformance, versus Hungary, will contribute to a higher rate of inflation there. Bottom Line: The central bank in Poland will stay super accommodative while the National Bank of Hungary will be a bit less aggressive. This is producing a U-turn in both countries’ nominal and relative real interest rates, which heralds a reversal in the HUF / PLN cross rate (Chart I-6). Chart I-5Polish Inflation Will Be Sticker Than In Hungary Chart I-6Go Long HUF / Short PLN   Investment Strategy For Central Europe A new trade: go long the HUF versus the PLN. Take a 3% profit on the short HUF and PLN / long CZK trade. Close the short IDR / long PLN trade with a 20% loss. Downgrade central European bourses (Polish, Czech and Hungarian) from an overweight to a neutral allocation within the EM equity benchmark. Lower for longer European interest rates disfavor bank stocks that dominate central European bourses. Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com Colombia: Continue Betting On Lower Rates Colombia has been badly hit by two shocks: the precipitous fall in oil prices and the strict quarantine measures to constrain the spread of the COVID-19 outbreak. An underwhelming fiscal stimulus in response to the lockdowns will further weigh on private demand. An underwhelming fiscal stimulus in response to the lockdowns will further weigh on private demand. We have been recommending receiving 10-year swap rates in Colombia since April 23rd and this strategy remains unchanged: While oil prices seem to have rebounded sharply, they will remain structurally low (Chart II-1). The Emerging Markets Strategy team's view is that oil prices will average $40 per barrel this year and next.1 After the recent rally, chances of further upside in crude prices are limited. Chart II-1A Long-Term Perspective On Oil Prices Table II-1Colombia’s Fiscal Package Is The Lowest In The Region Colombia's high sensitivity to oil prices is particularly visible via its current account balance. Indeed, Colombia’s net crude exports cover as much as 50% of the current account deficit, such that low oil prices severely affect the currency and produce a negative income shock for the economy. Fiscal policy remains unreasonably tight, especially in the face of the global pandemic. The government’s fiscal response plan amounts to only a meagre 1.5% of GDP. This is low not only compared to advanced economies but also to the rest of Latin America (Table II-1). Moreover, President Duque’s administration has been running the tightest fiscal budget in almost a decade, with the primary fiscal balance reaching 1% of GDP before the pandemic. The country’s COVID-19 response has been fast and effective. Colombia has managed to achieve the lowest amount of infections and deaths among major economies in Latin America (Chart II-2). Chart II-2COVID-19 Casualties Across Latin America Duque’s administration has taken a pragmatic approach to handling the pandemic by enforcing strict lockdowns and banning international and inter-municipal travel since late March, only three days after the country’s first casualty. Further, the nationwide confinement measures have been extended until July 1st, with particularly stringent rules applying to major cities. These have helped the country avoid a nation-wide health crisis, but they will engender prolonged economic pain. Regarding monetary stimulus, the central bank (Banrep) has cut interest rates by 150 basis points since March of this year. It also embarked on the first and largest QE program in the region. Banrep has committed to purchase 12 trillion pesos worth of government and corporate securities (amounting to a whopping 8% of GDP). Consumer price inflation is falling across various core measures and will drop below the low end of Banrep’s target range (Chart II-3). This will push the central bank to continue cutting rates. Despite the monetary easing, nominal lending rates are still restrictive. Real lending rates (deflated by core CPI) remain elevated at 7% (Chart II-4). Chart II-3Colombia: Inflation Will Fall Below Target Chart II-4Colombia: Real Lending Rates Are Still High Chart II-5The Colombian Economy Was Already Under Pressure Importantly, there has not been an appropriate amount of credit support and debt waving programs for SMEs, as there has been in many other countries. Given that SMEs employ a large share of the workforce, and that household spending accounts for about 70% of GDP, consumer spending and overall economic growth will contract substantially and be slow to recover. Employment rates had already been contracting, and wage growth downshifting, before the pandemic started (Chart II-5). Household income is now certainly in decline as major cities are in full lockdown and economic activity is frozen. Investment Recommendations Even though we are structurally positive on the country due to its orthodox macroeconomic policies, positive structural reforms, and low levels of debt among both households and companies, we maintain a neutral allocation on Colombian stocks within an EM equity portfolio. This bourse is dominated by banks and energy stocks. The lack of both fiscal support and bank loan guarantees amid the recession means that banks will carry the burden of ultimate losses. They will suffer materially due to loan restructuring and defaults. For fixed income investors, we reiterate our call to receive 10-year swap rates and recommend overweighting local currency government bonds versus the EM domestic bond benchmark. The yield curve is steep and real bond yields are elevated (Chart II-6). Hence, long-term interest rates offer great value. Additional monetary easing, including quantitative easing, will suppress yields much further. Chart II-6A Great Opportunity In Colombian Rates Chart II-7The COP Has Depreciated Considerably   We are upgrading Colombia sovereign credit from neutral to overweight within an EM credit portfolio. General public debt (including the central and state governments) stands at 59% of GDP. Conservative fiscal policy and the central bank’s large purchases of local bonds will allow the government to finance itself locally. Presently, 40% of public debt is foreign currency and 60% local currency denominated. As a result, sovereign credit will outperform the EM credit benchmark. In terms of the currency, we recommend investors to be cautious for now. Even though the peso is cheap (Chart II-7), another relapse in oil prices or a potential flare up in social protests could cause further downfall in the currency. Juan Egaña Research Associate juane@bcaresearch.com   1 This differs from the view of BCA’s Commodities and Energy Strategy service. We believe structural forces such as the lasting decline in air travel and commuting will impede a recovery in oil demand while, at the same time, US shale production will rise again considerably if crude prices rise and remain well above $40   Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

Feature Analysis on Korea & South Africa are available on pages 6 and 10, respectively. Mexico: Balancing Pros And Cons We have been overweight Mexican sovereign credit and local currency bonds as well as equities relative to the respective EM benchmarks. Our rationale for this stance has been the fact that Mexico’s macro risk premium relative to other EMs has been, in our opinion, wider than it should have been. However, the COVID-19 outbreak has introduced new dimensions into this analysis. On one hand, there are a number of positives that still warrant a lower macro risk premium on Mexican assets: The nation’s public debt burden is rising sharply but is not yet at an unsustainable level. We estimate that assuming (1) a nominal GDP contraction of 7% in 2020, (2) an overall fiscal deficit of 4.7% of GDP this year, and (3) the peso’s exchange rate versus the US dollar at 26, the gross public debt-to-GDP ratio will rise to 49% from 37% currently (Table I-1). If we assume the government takes over all SOE debt, including that of Pemex, total gross public debt will rise to 62% of GDP (Table I-1). While non-trivial, Mexico’s public debt burden is considerably lower than those in large EM countries like Brazil and South Africa. Table I-1Mexico's Public Debt Burden Chart I-1Mexico: Real And Nominal Rates Are Too High Despite widespread investor concerns, President AMLO has been running a very tight fiscal policy. At the end of 2019, the government had a primary surplus of 1% of GDP, and the overall deficit stood at 1.6%. In fact, given AMLO’s ideological approach to fiscal frugality, his government’s fiscal response to the COVID-19 pandemic to date has actually been less than what it can or should be. Similarly, monetary policy has been very tight. This is positive for creditors but negative for growth. The central bank has erred on the hawkish side and has a lot of room to reduce interest rates. Nominal and real interest rates in Mexico are among the highest in the EM universe (Chart I-1). Very tight fiscal policy means that monetary policy can be relaxed considerably. Interest rates in Mexico have a lot of downside.   Finally, the peso is reasonably cheap, according to the real effective exchange rate based on CPI and PPI measures (Chart I-2). Mexico’s macro risk premium relative to other EMs has been, in our opinion, wider than it should have been. On the other hand, there are considerable negatives, especially regarding the growth outlook: A year and a half into his mandate, president AMLO has not been able to secure the corporate sector’s confidence in his administration’s policies. The government was attempting to reverse this trend in the months leading up to the COVID-19 outbreak by announcing a public-private infrastructure package and improving relations with the US. Nevertheless, the decision to shun large corporations from the national fiscal response has once again weighed on business confidence. This will further reduce capital spending and hiring, prolonging the recession (Chart I-3). Chart I-2The Mexican Peso Is Cheap Chart I-3Business Confidence Plummets Again   The government’s fiscal response to the COVID-19 pandemic has been insufficient. The central government announced measures to increase funding for social and infrastructure programs and loans for households as well as small and medium businesses, amounting to a mere 3% of GDP. This is one of the lowest stimulus packages among major economies worldwide (Chart I-4). Chart I-4Mexico's Fiscal Response Is Poor Mexico is highly levered to the US economy. A deep contraction in American demand for consumer discretionary goods and international travel will suffocate Mexico’s export revenues. Exports of automobiles and tourism revenues together account for 37% of total goods and services exports, and 13% of GDP (Chart I-5). Balancing pros and cons, we recommend the following strategy for Mexican markets: Continue to overweight local currency bonds and sovereign credit within their respective EM benchmarks (Chart I-6). Orthodox fiscal and monetary policies warrant an overweight stance on fixed-income plays. Chart I-5Autos And Tourism Revenues Are Significant Chart I-6Mexico Versus EM: Domestic Bonds And Sovereign Credit   We reiterate our trade to receive Mexican 10-year swap rates. The only reason we are reluctant to be long cash domestic bonds is the potential for further currency depreciation. Finally, we are maintaining an overweight stance on equities, even though we acknowledge the very bad profit outlook. However, historically whenever Mexican interest rates have fallen relative to EM, Mexican stocks have typically outperformed the EM equity benchmark (Chart I-7). This is the primary rationale behind our equity overweight stance. Chart I-7Mexico vs. EM: Government Bond Yields Are Inversely Correlated To Stock Prices   Juan Egaña Research Associate juane@bcaresearch.com   South Korea: Bonds Offer Value Amid Looming Deflation The South Korean economy is facing strong deflationary pressures, requiring significant and additional rate cuts. Meanwhile, 10-year government bonds yield are still at 1.4%, 75 basis points over 10-year US Treasurys (Chart II-1). Hence, Korea’s bond yields offer good value for fixed-income investors and have considerable downside. We have been receiving 10-year swap rates in Korea since 2011 and are reiterating this recommendation: Chart II-2 shows that the GDP deflator has been negative since 2018, and core and trimmed mean consumer prices are flirting with deflation. Chart II-1Korean Government Bonds Yields: More Room To Fall Chart II-2The Korean Economy Is Flirting With Deflation   Falling prices amid elevated corporate and household debt levels – at 102% and 96% of GDP respectively – is toxic. The basis is price deflation increases real debt burdens. Notably, the debt service ratio for businesses and households is very high at 19.9% of GDP. There is no reason why Korea’s policy rate should not be reduced close to zero as is the case in advanced economies. Exports – which account for some 40% of GDP – are plunging. The business survey from Bank of Korea suggests exporters’ business sentiment plunged by a record in May and is close to 2008 levels, pointing to a dreadful export outlook. (Chart II-3) Domestic demand will remain weak, despite the large fiscal response to the COVID-19 outbreak. Business investment and hiring will be depressed for a while, undercutting consumer spending (Chart II-4). Chart II-3Exports In Freefall Chart II-4Less Investment Plan And Poor Employment Outlook Chart II-5Falling Residential Construction Permits Finally, residential investment was in the doldrums even before the COVID-19 outbreak. Chart II-5 illustrates that declining residential construction permits preclude lower residential construction for the rest of the year. The Bank of Korea will have to cut interest rates considerably this year. From a big-picture perspective, there is no reason why Korea’s policy rate should not be reduced close to zero as is the case in advanced economies. Korea’s economy shares many similarities with advanced economies like high debt levels and persistent deflationary pressures. On top of this, Korea is much more exposed to global trade, which makes its cyclical outlook worse, heralding substantial monetary easing. Exchange Rate Low interest rates could undermine the Korean won, even though the exchange rate has not historically been driven by interest rate differentials. The key driver of the won – shrinking global trade volumes and deflating tradable goods prices – warrants a cheaper currency to mitigate the negative impact on corporate profitability (Chart II-6). Chart II-6Deflating Export Prices Herald Currency Depreciation Chart II-7Deflating Semiconductor Prices...   Besides, deflation in DRAM prices (Chart II-7) as well as DRAM sales point to further currency depreciation and lower Korean tech stock prices (Chart II-8). Chart II-8...Does Not Bode Well For Tech Stocks Overall, a weak currency is needed to alleviate deflationary pressures currently present in the economy. Stocks We are negative on the KOSPI in absolute terms but continue to recommend that EM-dedicated equity portfolio investors overweight this bourse. Despite being a highly cyclical market, we believe the KOSPI’s outperformance will be due to its large weight in tech stocks. The latter will benefit from China’s ambitious tech-related infrastructure plan in the coming years. The plan includes construction of Information Transmission, Software and Information Technology Services, such as 5G networks, industrial internet and data centers. We expect total investment will reach between US$182 billion and $266 billion by the end of 2020, an increase of 30-50% over last year. Importantly, 40% of Korea’s semiconductor exports are purchased by China. We have been playing the semiconductor theme via Korea rather than Taiwan because the latter is a wild card amid escalating geopolitical tensions between the US and China. Our geopolitical team expects a flare up in US-China tensions ahead of US elections this year, and Taiwan could become one of the focal points. Bottom Line: Continue receiving 10-year swap rates, shorting the won against the US dollar and overweighting the KOSPI within an EM dedicated equity portfolio. Lin Xiang, CFA Research Analyst linx@bcaresearch.com South Africa: A Point Of No Return On Public Debt South Africa’s public debt is bound to surge to unsustainable levels: from 62% of GDP in 2019 to 95% of GDP by the end of 2021. If the government is forced to take over unsustainable debt from state-owned enterprises, which is very likely, it will push up the public debt-to-GDP ratio further by another nine percentage points to 104% of GDP. Table III-1 summarizes South Africa’s public debt projections using the following parameters and assumptions: To fight the COVID-19-induced economic crunch, President Cyril Ramaphosa recently announced a fiscal stimulus package of $26 billion (R500 billion), or 10% of GDP. Using recent government and central bank projections for 2020 and 2021, nominal GDP growth is expected to contract by 2.5% and expand 6.7%, respectively. Notably, fiscal revenue growth is expected to fall by 32% in nominal terms, according to recent comments by the Minister of Finance.1  Meanwhile, government spending will grow by 15%,2 and the primary fiscal deficit is expected to widen to 15.4% of GDP in 2020. Given that government forecasts often tend to be optimistic, chances are that both the primary deficit and public debt-to-GDP ratio will overshoot these forecasts. Finally, the sharp drop in domestic demand will increase the odds of a default among state-owned enterprises, with Eskom likely being a case in point. Current government guidelines require at least two thirds of Eskom’s R450 billion debt to be transferred to government balances in the event of default or anticipated default. In such a case, this increases the government debt-to-GDP ratio by an additional R350 billion, or 7% of GDP. Table III-1Projections For South Africa Fiscal Position And Public Debt Altogether, the public debt-to-GDP ratio will surge to 104% of GDP by the end of 2021 (Chart III-1). With public debt above 100% of GDP, interest rates well above nominal GDP and the government running large primary deficits, debt dynamics will become unsustainable. To avoid a public debt crisis, the government should either run large primary surpluses, which is unfeasible anytime soon, or bring down government borrowing costs to push up nominal GDP above interest rates (Chart III-2). Chart III-1Public Debt-To-GDP Will Balloon To 104%! Chart III-2Unsustainable Gap Between Local Yields And Nominal Growth   The latter option is the only one that is politically feasible. But to do so, the central bank needs to resort to the monetization of public debt. The central bank (SARB) has already taken the first step to bring down bond yields by buying government bonds in the secondary market. While the rationale of that was to cover foreign investors’ selling of local currency bonds, it amounts to nothing else but quantitative easing, or public debt monetization. Ultimately, the outcome of large fiscal deficits and public debt monetization is a weaker currency. As such, debt monetization is a fait accompli in South Africa. Monetizing part of the government’s debt will help reduce real borrowing costs and at the same time reflate nominal GDP growth, thereby boosting government revenues. Ultimately, the outcome of large fiscal deficits and public debt monetization is a weaker currency. If foreigners continue to sell the local currency bond market, the SARB and commercial banks will need to buy more government debt, creating even more money. This is why we expect the rand to continue depreciating. Investment Recommendations Chart III-3The Rand Could Drop Further Given Public Debt Dynamics The currency will likely get cheaper provided the rising odds of outright public debt monetization (Chart III-3). Continue shorting the rand versus the US dollar. We are initiating a new position of receiving 2-year swap rates. Odds are that the central bank will cut rates further in the months to come. Remain underweight local currency bonds in an EM-dedicated portfolio. Even though local domestic rates will likely fall, South African bonds will not outperform the EM benchmark on a total return in US dollar basis, mostly due to chronic currency depreciation. Finally, investors should underweight sovereign credit (government US dollar bonds) due to the unsustainable public debt dynamics. Dedicated EM equity portfolio investors should maintain a below-benchmark allocation to this bourse. Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     The Minister of Finance made remarks about tax revenue falling by 32% in nominal terms. Tax revenues represent almost 100% of overall revenue. 2     Overall fiscal package is estimated to be 3% of GDP. This excludes reprioritization in 2020 around R130 billion & loan guarantee scheme of R200 billion. Overall total additional spending amounts to R170 billion in 2020 fiscal year. Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations